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Chʼing's Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in Singapore and Malaya (1877 – 1912)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 April 2011

Yen Ching-Hwang
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Extract

The last decade of the 19th century and the turn of the present century saw a flux of Chʼing official titles among overseas Chinese leaders in Singapore and Malaya. They had formerly been excluded from imperial bureaucracy and title holding in China; now it became possible to purchase honours without much effort. This represented a substantial change of the Chʼing's attitude towards its overseas subjects. This paper asks why the titles were made available, and why the overseas Chinese leaders were so eager to acquire them.

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Articles
Information
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 1 , Issue 2 , September 1970 , pp. 20 - 32
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1970

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References

I am grateful to Mr. H. Stretton, Professor Wang Gungwu and Dr. P.L. Burns for their suggestions and help.

1 The first recorded case took place in 115 b.c. during the reign of Emperor Wu Ti, when a flood occurred in South of the Yangtze. With winter approaching and a dearth of food, edicts were issued to invite contribution of grains with reward of office. See Hsieh, P.C., The Government of China 1644–1911 (New York, 1966), pp. 105–106Google Scholar.

2 Ibid.

3 The Emperor adopted a suggestion by the Censor-General Tso Ko Fan that offices be the reward for those who contributed grains. Ibid., p. 107.

4 Kwangtung and Fukien were the two coastal provinces which had extensive international trade in the mid-181h century. According to one recent study, most purchasers of Chien-sheng degree during the Tao-kuang reign came from Kwangtung, Kiangsu and Kiangsi provinces where international trade had been developed. See Chang, Chung-li, The Chinese Gentry: Studies on Their Role in 19th Century Chinese Society (Seattle, 1955), p. 105Google Scholar.

5 Gutzlaff, C., China Opened (London, 1838), vol. 2., p. 356Google Scholar.

6 Studentship of the Imperial Academy.

7 See Chung-li Chang, op. cit., p. 105.

8 Ranks on sale were from 9th (the lowest) to 7th; offices on sale were LI Mu ( Secretary), Chu Pu ( Registrar) and Hsien Cheng ( Assistant Magistrate) which were comparatively insignificant in the Chʼing bureaucratic hierarchy. See the two tables of prices for sale of offices issued in 1756 reproduced by Hsieh, P.C. in The Government of China 1644–1911, p. 108.

9 In the price list issued in 1838, an ordinary subject could only purchase offices of 9th and 8th ranks at county level. But the price list in 1843 opened all sales to ordinary subjects up to 4th rank at the circuit level. An ordinary person could contribute 200 taels or more to buy a 9th rank, he could also contribute 30,000 taels or more to purchase a 4th rank and a circuit intendentship. Ibid., p. 109.

10 In the local government under the Chʼing, a province was sub-divided into circuit (Too ), prefecture (Fu ) and county or district (Hsien ). Therefore, a circuit intendent ranked second in the provincial official hierarchy.

11 Hsieh, P.C., op. cit., pp. 112–113.

12 See “The Sale of Official Rank, adopted by the Government of China for Increasing its Revenue”, in The Chinese Repository, vol. 18 (1849), p. 207Google Scholar.

13 Senior Assistant Chief of Staff of a Division; Arms Inspector of a Regiment; Senior Adjutant of a Brigade; Commissionary Officer of a Regiment.

14 See Hsing Pao, 20/4/1893, p. 5. Apart from Cheang Hong Lim, another leader who got an earlier title from the Chʼing government was Hoo Ah Kay (Whampoa, or known as Hu Hsuan-tse ) When Hoo was appointed as the first Consul in Singapore by the Chʼing Minister to Britain, Kuo Sung-tʼao (). his name was mentioned with a title of Tao-yuan in the Kuo's memorial to the throne. Obviously, Hoo must have got his title earlier than 1877. See “Memorial of Kuo Sung-tʼao to the throne for the Establishment of Singapore Consulate dated 3rd October 1877”, in Chʼing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao (Documents of Chʼing Foreign Affairs), vol. 11, pp. 13–15.

15 See Ta Chʼen, Emigrant Communities in South China, p. 51.

16 See Kuang-hsu-chʼao tʼung-hua lu (Official Documents of the Kuang-hsu Reign), vol. 3, pp. 3243–44.

17 In the ratification of the Treaty of Tientsin reached in October 1860, the British government secured legal right to import Chinese coolies (labourers) into its colonies and dependencies. Thus, the official restrictions put on Chinese immigrants were partly removed. See Hertslet, G.E.P., Treaties Between Britain and China, and Between China and Foreign Powers, vol. I., no. 8, p. 48.

18 With regard to the causes leading to the establishment and the role played by the Imperial Chʼing Consulate in the local Chinese communities, there is a detailed and useful study by Wen Chung-chi in his “The Nineteenth Century Imperial Chinese Consulate in the Straits Settlements” (Unpublished M.A. thesis. University of Singapore).

19 See Wang Chin-chʼing (ed.), Chang Wen-hsiang Kung chʼuan-chi (Collected Works of Chang Chih-tung), vol. 1, pp. 473–475.

20 Lat Pau, 24/10/1887, p. 5.

21 There were forty seven kinds of titles on sale, ranging from 38–40 tael (for a Pa-tsung ) to 1679 36 tael (for a Tao-yuan). See Lat Pau, 17/10/1889, p. 6.

22 See Cammann, S., “The Development of the Mandarin Square”, in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol. 8 (1944–45), p. 88

23 The indemnities resulting from the Sino-Japanese War and the Boxer Uprising were estimated at 650 million taels, while the total revenue of the Chʼing central government in the 1890s was estimated at 80 to 90 million taels. See Hao, Chi-ming, Foreign Investment and Economic Development in China 1840–1937, (Massachusetts, 1965), pp. 24–25Google Scholar, 131–132.

24 In 1886, Chang Chih-tung, the Governor-General of Hunan and Hupeh, emphasized the importance of annual remittances by overseas Chinese to their families in China. He estimated that such remittance might amount to 20,000,000 dollars (Mexican ?). Hsueh Fu-chʼeng () the Chinese Minister to Britain, France, Italy and Belgium, also estimated in 1890 that the annual remittances by Chinese in America alone amount to 8,000,000 taels. See Wang Chin-chʼing (ed-). op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 333–334; Hsueh Fu-chʼeng, Hsueh Fu-chʼeng chʼuan-chi (Collected Works of Hsueh Fu-chʼeng), hai-wai wen-pien, vol. 1 p. 7.

25 See Ta-chʼing teh-tsung ching-huang-li shih-lu (Verible Records of the Emperor Kuang Hsu), voL 506. p. 13a.: The Union Times, 10/5/1909, p. 1, 2/6/1909, p. 1.

26 See Cheng-chih kuan-pao (The Chʼing Government Gazette), no. 15 (1908), pp. 147–148; Lat Pau. 2 7 1906. p. 3; Sing Pao, 20/4/1893, p. 5.

27 See Wen Chung-chi, op. cit., pp. 267–273; “Report by Mr. G.T. Hare, Assistant Protector of Chinese, Singapore dated 30th September 1896”, enclosed in Gov. to Sec. State, 6th Oct. 1896, CO. 273 218 (Hereafter referred to as “Hare's Report”).

28 From 1900 to 1911, both Chinese reformist and revolutionary leaders had strongly appealed to Chinese in Singapore and Malaya for financial and political support. Details can be referred to my thesis entitled “The Chinese Revolutionary Movement in Malaya 1900–1911” (an unpublished Ph.D. thesis of the Australian National University in Canberra).

29 According to G.T. Hare, honours sold to overseas Chinese in the Straits Settlements by the Chʼing officials were at a higher rate than that required by the Board of Offices at Peking. See “Hare's Report”, p. 53.

30 In December 1888, a letter was sent by the Circuit Intendent of Shanghai, Kung Chao-yuan () to the Chʼing Consul-General in Singapore, Tso Ping-lung () urging him to help to raise money for the Anhwei drought. See Lat Pau, 2/1/1889, p. 2.

31 After a flood had devastated Cheng Chou prefecture in Honan in 1887, a Chinese leader in Singapore, Li Chʼiu-pʼing (), was appointed by the Honan provincial government to raise money for flood relief. Li published a notice in the Lat Pau (the only Chinese newspaper in Singapore during that time) urging donations. See Lat Pau, 4/1/1888, p. 2.

32 In a donation of 55,000 (Mexican ?) to the Waichow Flood Relief Funds in Kwangtung in 1888, the Kapitan China of Kuala Lumpur, Yeh Chih-ying (, or Po-hsiung ) was recommended by the Governor of Kwangtung for the award of a votive tablet. Sec Lat Pau, 1/9,1888. p. 2.

33 See Lat Pau, 17/10/1889, p. 6; Sing Pao, 5/3/1894, p. 6; Thien Nan Shin Pao, 3/12/1900, p. 1; Chung Shing Jit Pao 25 & 26/9/1907, p. 5.

34 This estimate was made by G.T. Hare. Since keeping himself informed of what was going on in the local Chinese communities was one of his important functions, Hare's estimate may be very close to the actual number of Chinese officials sent to Singapore and Malaya in the few years before 1896. See “Hare's Report, pp. 56–58.

35 The mission sent by a Circuit government of Fukien at the beginning of 1891 to help to raise funds for the Hopei Flood Relief Funds consisted of three officials: Wang Kʼuan () Chʼiu Hung-yu () and Chuang Sung-ling (). In many other cases, only one official was sent. See Lat Pau, 4/12/1890, p. 2, 5/1/1891, p. 6; Khoo Seok-wan, Wu-pai shih-tung-tʼien hui-Chʼen, vol. 3, p. 25; Cheng-chih kuan-pao (The Chʼing Government Gazette), no. 27 (1909), p. 257.

36 Ho Long Kan, a Northerner, lived in the Chop “Kwong Sang Lung” in South Bridge Road, Singapore; Li Chi-Thin ( Li Chih-tʼien), a Cantonese, lived in the Chop “Chu Kwong Lan” in Market Street, Singapore. Che Pan Mun, a Hupeh native, lived in Bun Hin & Co., in Malacca Street and then moved to Chop Ah Ho in Teluk Aycr Street, Singapore. See “Hare's Report”, p. 53.

37 Lat Pau, 5/1/1890, p. 6.

38 Lat Pau, 17/10/1889, p. 6; Sing Pao, 5/3/1894, p. 6; Thien Nan Shin Pao, 3/12/1900, p. 1.

39 In the period from 1881 to 1903, there were at least 47 Chinese in Singapore and Malaya purchasing brevet ranks for their ancestors. Ranks purchased range from 1st to 9th. See an unpublished list compiled by the author from Lat Pau, Sing Pao and Thien Nan Shin Pao of this period.

40 From 1888 till the downfall of the Chʼing dynasty in 1912, almost every year a relief fund was available in Singapore and Malaya. The Honan Flood Relief Funds in 1888, the Shantung Flood Relief Funds in 1889, the Kiangsu and Chekiang Relief Funds in 1890, the Hopei Flood Relief Funds in 1891, the Hupeh Relief Funds in 1892 and 1894, and the Foochow Flood Relief Funds in 1900 are only the major ones known in this period. See Lat Pau, 4/1/1888, p. 2, 2/1/1889, p. 2, 9/2/1889, p. 5, 17/10/1889, p. 6, 12/3/1890, p. 6, 5/1/1891, p. 6; Thien Nan Shin Pao, 3/12/1900, p. 1; Khoo Seok-wan, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 25.

41 See Yong Ching Fatt, “Chinese Leadership in Nineteenth Century Singapore”, in Hsin-she Hsueh-pao (Journal of the Island Society), vol. 1, December 1967, p. 7 (independent pages).

42 According to G.T. Hare, many buyers, particularly those who bought from Wan Fai Shan and Ho Lung Kan had not received their honours from the Board of Offices. Certainly this would affect confidence of potential buyers. See “Hare's Report”, p. 54.

43 There was a downward trend of price after 1890. This might have affected the attitude of some potential buyers. See Lat Pau, 4/12/1890, p. 2.

44 For instance, Che Pan Mun, a Hupeh native, did a good deal of business during his five years' stay in Singapore. He toured widely throughout Malay Peninsula, Indo-China and Dutch East Indies. He contacted potential purchasers, and set up three agencies in Singapore and one in Perak. See “Hare's Report”, p. 53.

45 The best example was the case of the mission which arrived in Singapore in 1889 for the purpose of raising funds for the Shantung flood relief. The mission set up its office in Singapore, with the help of two local leaders, Wu Chin-Chʼing () and Wu Kʼuei-fu (). It started a sale drive. Evidently it was not very successful after three years' stay. A statement was published in the Lat Pau in 1892 that the mission would extend its stay for another year, and another two agencies were opened in Kuala Lumpur and Penang. Well-known leaders like Kapitan China of Kuala Lumpur, Yap Kuan-seng () and Lim Hua-chuan () of Penang were recruited. See Lat Pau, 24/5/1892, p. 6.

46 Kung-sheng, Imperial studentship or Senior Licentiate; Chun-hsiu, a person before competing for the right to term himself Tʼung-sheng ( student) is designated, in complimentary parlance, Chun-hsiu which means ‘man of promise’; Chih-fu, Prefect.

47 In the 1900 price list, it was stated that buyers would get big discount for purchases of brevet degrees, titles and honours for their ancestors. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 3/12/1900, p. 1. It was also reported in the Lat Pau that one buyer who purchased a brevet Chien-sheng degree, a Tung-chih title with feather and one grade plus fourth rank for his ancestors, had paid about 800 taels less in the donation to the Hopei Flood Relief Funds in 1890 than the same honours cost in the Shantung Flood Relief Funds in 1889. See Lat Pau, 4/12/1890, p. 2.

48 See “Hare's Report”, p. 46.

49 Ibid., pp. 54–55.

50 In September 1909, a satire was published in the Lat Pau entitled “Suggestion for Running Lottery of Honours Reward” in which the author ridiculed Chʼing sale of titles. See Lat Pau, 17/9/1909, p. 9.

51 They were Lin Kuo-jui ( Fukien) with military Chin-shih degree, Khoo Seok-wan ( Fukien) with a Chu-jen degree, Chang Kʼo-Chʼeng ( Hakka) with a Chu-jen degree, Cheng Hung-liang (, Fukien) with a fifth rank by military merit, and Han Hsu (. Cantonese) with a fifth rank by military merit. See Sing Pao, 8/4/1896, p. 4, 13/4/1897, p. 5; Thien Nan Shin Pao, 28/9/1901, p. 2; Lat Pau, 5/7,1906, p. 7.

52 The five kinds were the purchase of brevet ranks and titles, purchase of degrees in the recruitment system, purchase of substantive posts (shih-kuan. known as purchase of office), purchase of additional grades and purchase of posthumous titles. See Marsh, R.M., “The Venality of Provincial Office in China and in Comparative Perspective”, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 4, p. 456.

53 This purchase of brevet degrees is evidently derived and modified slightly from the purchase of degrees in China. The brevet degrees do not entitle the holders to take part in any further examinations, or hold any official posts.

54 Five from 295 should leave 290. But Khoo Seok-wan, one of the five who got his Chu-jen degree through examinations, also purchased titles from the Chʼing government.

55 These figures are compiled from the Thien Nan Shin Pao (1898–1903); Sing Pao (1892–1897); Lat Pau (1887–1896) (1906–1909); Jit Shin Pau 1900; Chung Shing Jit Pao 1907; Ta-Chʼing teh-tsung ching-huang-ti shih-lu (Verible Records of the Emperor Kuang Hsu); Ta-Chʼing hsuan-tʼung cheng-chi (Verible Records of the Emperor Hsuan Tʼung); Cheng-chih kuan-pao (The Chʼing Government Gazette); Kuang-hsu-Chʼao tung-hua lu (Official Documents of the Kuang Hsu Reign) and the Tsungli Yamen Archives (unpublished, kept in Taipei, Taiwan).

56 Chung-li Chang, The Chinese Gentry: Studies on Their Role on Nineteenth Century Chinese Society, pp. 19–20, 104–107.

57 Popular sale of office in China created a serious problem for the bureaucracy which obviously could not absorb all purchasers. The result was that a number of expectants, either through examination or purchase, had to wait for many years before they could be filled. In 1828, the Governor of Szechwan memoralized the Emperor Tao-kuang to enjoin the Board of Offices not to send him any more supernumeraries to wait for vacancies, because he had already as many expectants as would last him for several years. See Guulaflf, C., China Opened, (London, 1838), vol. 2, pp. 356–358Google Scholar.

58 Tao-tʼai, Intendent of Circuit; Yuan-wai-lang, Second-class Secretary of a Board; Yen-yun-shih, Salt Comptroller; Chung-han, Secretary of the Grand Secretariat: Pu-lang, Departmental Directors of Boards; Lang-chung, Senior Secretary of a Board.

59 For a Kung-sheng or Chien-sheng to purchase a title of Tao-yuan, he had to pay 1679 taels; if he wanted the title of Chih-fu, 1391 taels; that of Lang-chung 1228 and that of Yuan-wai-lang, 1024 taels. See Lat Pau, 17/10/1889, p. 6: One tael was slightly bigger than one Mexican dollar.

60 According to Tan Chor-nam, () a Chinese revolutionary leader and a rich merchant in Singapore during that time, about one to two thousand Straits dollars could finance an ordinary shop in Singapore. Thus, it was impossible for an ordinary merchant to pay a thousand taels to purchase an honour. Tan Chor-nam, interview on 7th August, 1966 at his residence in Singapore.

61 There were at least 31 Chinese merchants purchased more than one title or rank during the period under study.

62 Perhaps Cheang Hong Lim is the best example. In 1869, he first obtained a Tao-yuan title by contributing to the Fukien Defence Funds; in 1881, he purchased three grades and 2nd rank for his three generation ancestors (parents, grand-parents and great grand-parents) through donation to the famine relief funds for Chihli province; in 1888, he purchased the right to wear feather through another contribution to the Cheng Chou Flood Relief Funds; in 1889, he further purchased a Yen-yun-shih title with three additional grades and 1st rank for his three generation ancestors by another donation of more than $10,000 (Mexican ?). See Sing Pao, 20/4/1893, p. 5.

63 The best example is Wu Chin-Chʼing (Wu Hsin-kʼo or Wu l-ting). Wu purchased five different titles within eight years (1889–1896). He purchased titles higher and higher from Tzucheng () to Fang-po (), Tao-tʼai to Yen-yun-shih with feather in 1896. See Lat Pau, 26/3/1889, p. 5, 13/8/1890, p. 2; Sing Pao, 10/2/1892, p. 4, 16/3/1893, p. 5, 4/4/1893, p. 5, 3/3/1894, p. 4, 18/2/1895, p. 5, 8/4/1896, p. 4.

64 Tung-chih, Sub-prefect; Ssu-ma, epistolary style of Tʼung-chih; Chou-tʼung, First-class Assistant Department Magistrate; Chou-ssu-ma, epistolary style of Chou-tʼung.

65 See the price list issued by the Bureau raising funds for the flood and drought in Chihli, Shantung and Kiangsu provinces. Sing Pao, 5/3/1894, p. 6.

66 Among 233 lower honours, 54 were Tʼung-chih, 37 Chou-tʼung and 52 Chien-sheng.

67 The 1891 Census of the Straits Settlements gave a total of Chinese population at 227,989 including Cantonese 42,008, Teochew 43,791, Kheh (Hakka) 16,736, Hailam (Hainanese) 15,938, Hokkien (Fukien) 74,759 and Straits-born (Babas) 34,757.

68 See Ching-Hwang, Yen, “The Chinese Revolutionary Movement in Malaya, 1900–1911” (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, Canberra), vol. 1, pp. 20–23Google Scholar.

69 See the discussion on these concepts in two editorials in the Sing Pao, entitled “Chinese merchants in Singapore gradually realize the honour of reputation and prestige” and “On being officials”. Sing Pao, 9/8/1892, pp. 1 and 8, 18/4/1893, p. 1.

70 In 19th century China, there were three social strata: ruling class (nobility and officialdom), ordinary commoners and degraded people. Commoners were sub-divided into Shih (scholars), Nung (farmers), Kung (artisans and craftmen) and Shang (merchants and traders). See Ho, Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success In Imperial China (New York, 1964), pp 17–19Google Scholar.

71 See a useful discussion on the application of the concept of traditional Chinese social class to the overseas Chinese communities in Singapore and Malaya by ProfessorGungwu, Wang in his “Traditional Leadership in a New Nation”, in Wijeyewardene, G. (ed.), Leadership and Authority: A Symposium (Singapore. 1968), pp. 210–211Google Scholar.

72 Skinner, G.W., Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (New York, 1967), pp. 80–83Google Scholar.

73 Statistics compiled by the Government of the Straits Settlements show that an overwhelming majority of newly arrived immigrants became mining and agricultural labourers. See Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements for 1904, 1905 and 1908, pp. 107, 629 and 120 respectively.

74 See Fatt, Yong Ching, “Chinese Leadership in Nineteenth Century Singapore”, in Hsin-she Hsueh-pao (Journal of the Island Society), vol. 1, December 1967, p. 6Google Scholar (independent pages).

75 Even during the 1940s, traditional Chinese drama was still the only entertainment available in many villages in South China. The author recalls his own experience in a village in the Yung-Chʼun district in South Fukien: he, like many other village children, was deeply impressed by those scenes of successful officials and generals.

76 From the vivid description of the image of officials among Chinese as well as overseas Chinese by the Sing Pao's editor. See Sing Pao, 9/8/1892, p. 1.

71 The practice of purchasing a nominal post of Tien-li (clerk in charge of documents) by the propertied class in rural areas seems to have been quite popular throughout China under the Chʼing. The money derived from this source was used by Magistrates to buy stationery. See Chʼu, Tʼung-tsu, Local Government in China Under the Chʼing (Massachusetts, 1962), p. 39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

78 In an editorial entitled “On becoming officials”, the editor of the Sing Pao stated that many rich merchants were prepared to contribute large sums of money lo purchase titles in order to gain honour. See Sing Pao, 18/4/1893, p. 1.

79 For example, a fourth rank official wore a pelican embroidered upon his robe, a deep purple-coloured opaque stone button on his cap, and his girdle had four golden squares and t silver button. But an official of third rank had a peacock on his robe, a sapphire button on his cap, and four golden squares and sapphires on his girdle. See Sirr, H.C., China and the Chinese, vol. 2, pp. 378–379.

80 Conforming to the Manchu custom, the wives of Chʼing officials or title-holders were required to wear ceremonial robes identical with those of their husbands, and after the use of squares was prescribed in 1652, they were required to wear those of their husbands' rank. Parents and children (except married daughters) had the same rights to wear corresponding costumes. See Cammann, S., “The Development of the Mandarin Square”, in The Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol. 8 (1944–45), pp. 84–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

81 This practice was very popular throughout China. From Dr. Francis L.K. Hsu's observation in the West Town in Yunnan province from 1941 to 1943, we still can find some traces of such practice. See Hsu, L.K., Under the Ancestors' Shadow: Chinese Culture and Personality (London, 1949), pp. 30–55Google Scholar.

82 Few of many examples can be listed here. Wu I-ling (Wu Chin-Chʼing) and Cheang Hong Lim (Chang Ming-yun ), two wealthy merchants in Singapore had their famous villas and gardens “Teh Yuan Garden” () and “Ming Yun Villa” () Teo Eng-hock (), another rich merchant who later became a well-known revolutionary leader in Singapore, had his famous “Wan Chʼing Villa” (). This practice became tradition for some rich Chinese merchants to follow in later periods. One of the famous villas which becomes a popular resort in Singapore today is the “Ho-pa Villa” ( Tiger and Leopard). See Lat Pau, 5/6/1888, p. 1; Sing Pao. 3/5/1892, p. 1; Teo Eng-hock, Nanyang yu chuang-li min-kuo (Southeast Asia and the Founding of the Chinese Republic), pp. 9–10.

83 Song Siang, Ong, One hundred Year's History of the Chinese in Singapore, (Reprinted edition, Singapore, 1967), pp. 52–53Google Scholar.

84 In an editorial on 4th November 1890, the editor of the Lat Pau said he was appalled by the trend towards luxury in Singapore. A fatalist, he warned those who displayed their richness in material life that they would bear the consequences in the cycle of fortune. In another editorial, he regretted that gold jewellery were considered to be the only ornaments for women, and those who wore silver jewellery would be laughed at. See Lat Pau, 10/12/1890, p. 1.

85 In the social structure of 19th century colonial society in Java, class distinction was identical with colour line. Punitive measures were framed to ensure that the colour line should not be overstepped. It was forbidden to dress otherwise than in the manner customary in one's own population group. See Wertheim, W.F., Indonesian Society in Transition (The Hague, 1964), p. 138Google Scholar.

86 Song Ong Siang, op. cit., p. 153.

87 The editor of the Lat Pau, Yeh Chi-yuen (in a pseudonym of Hsing-ngo-sheng ) reported his experience of a feast given by Wu I-ting in Wu's Teh Yuan garden. Among the honourable foests were Tso Ping-lung (), Chʼiu Chung-po (), Wu Tan-ju (). Wu Kʼuei-fu (). Huang. Chi-tʼing (), Tso Shu-nan (), Mo Han-Chʼing () 2nd Chʼen Pi-ta (). Tso's name came first because he was the Chʼing Consul-General, aad the rest were evidently arranged according to the gradation of their titles. See Lat Pau. 5/6 1888, p. 1.

88 Ibid.

89 One of the many examples was the case of Wu I-ting (Wu Chin-Chʼing) in 1887. Wu contributed a big sum of money to the Fukien Defence Funds through Tan Kim Ching who acted as agent for the Fukien government. Wu was recommended by the Governor of Fukien to the court for reward. A tablet with inscriptions from the Emperor was the imperial favour. Lat Peu had given it wide publicity; eulogy and praise were given to him. See Lat Pau, 26/8/1887, p. 2.

90 Another Chinese leader, Chʼen Ta-erh () who helped the Fukien government to raise defense funds in Singapore and Malaya, was also given an imperial tablet. He also received praise and eulogy from the newspaper. See Lat Pau, 30/1/1888, p. 2.

91 This practice is still very popular among overseas Chinese in Singapore and Malaysia. Those who obtain titles from Sultans and the Yang Di-pertuan Agong are immediately greeted by their relatives, clansmen, friends and fellow-villagers either through newspapers or presenting inscribed tablets.

92 A typical example was the case of Khoo Seok-wan. Khoo was originally a Chu-jen and a reformis kader who strongly supported Kʼang Yu-wei's reform movement. A quarrel with K'ang led him to change his loyalty and support the Chʼing government. He contributed 20,000 taels to tbe government as a token of repentance for his past mistake. In return, he was awarded a fourth nnk and a title of Chu-shih in 1901. Khoo was greeted by about three hundred relatives, clansmen and friends. A big feast was given in his shop Heng Chun where wine was served, and Malay. Fekien and Cantonese bands played. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 26/10/1901, p. 9.

93 A few days before such official occasions, the Chʼing Consul-General posted notices on a board oatside the Consulate and published them in the local Chinese newspapers. He asked all Chiriese to observe them. He also invited those Chinese who were willing to pay homage to the Emperor to attend official receptions in the Consulate. In fact, those welcome to the receptions got invittuons. See Lat Pau, 27/2/1889, p. 2; Thien Nan Shin Pau, 21/11/1898, p. 2.

94 On occasions such as the birthdays of the Emperor and Empress Dowager or the Emperor's wedding day. an official reception was held in the Consulate where dragon tablets symbolizing the authority of the throne were set up. The invited Chinese leaders were to line up in order of rank and title to pay allegiance by performing the most solemn three kneels and nine prostrations ceremony. After the ceremony, one senior member among them was selected to read a written document to pledge the eternal and unalterable loyalty of the Chinese community to the Emperor. See Lat Pau, 11/2/1889, p. 2, 7/3/1889, p. 2; Singapore Free Press, 4/3/1889, p. 2.

95 In a stopover at Singapore in 1896 on his way to Russia, Li Hung-chang, the most prominent Chʼing high-ranking official, was given a warm welcome by the Chinese communities in Singapore. About 30 leaders were invited by the Chʼing Consul-General to meet him. All of them had titles or ranks, and were introduced in order of their status. Their names and titles also appeared, in hierarchic order, in the local Chinese newspapers. See Sing Pao, 8/4/1896, p. 4.

96 See Lat Pau, 11/2/1889, p 2, 7/3/1889, p. 2.

97 According to the Assistant Protector of Chinese in Singapore, G.T. Hare, who wrote in 1896, the only Chinese leader with a British honour was Hoo Ah Kay. He. was the first Chinese member of the Legislative Council and was made a Companion of the Order of Saint Michael and Saint George. See “Hare's Report”, p. 50.

98 Ibid.

99 Tan Kim Cheng (Chʼen Chin-chung in Mandarin), the well-known Chinese Kapitan in Singapore, held a title of Tao-tʼai. Chang Keng Kui ( Cheng Ching-kuei in Mandarin, or known as Chung Keng Kwee and Ah Quee), another well-known Kapitan in Perak, was holding a second rank for himself and the same ranks for three generations of his ancestors. The Kapitan China of Kuala Lumpur, Yeh Chih-ying was awarded an inscribed tablet by the Chʼing court. See Lat Pau, 12/8/1889, p. 5, 31/5/1890, p. 2; Wong, C.S., A Gallery of Chinese Kapitans (Singapore, 1963), p. 80Google Scholar.

100 From the photographs reproduced in C.S. Wong's A Gallery of Chinese Kapitans, we know further that Kapitan Tai Choon-thow (Tai Chʼun-tʼao in Mandarin, ) of Kedah, Kapitan Chin Ah Yam (Chʼen Ya-yen in Mandarin, ) of Perak and another Kapitan of Perak Khaw Boo-aun (Hsu Wu-an in Mandarin, ) had Possessed Chʼing honours which entitled them to put on such Mandarin robes and hats. See Wong, C.S., op. cit., plate 2, 8 and 12. G.W. Skinner also mentioned that he was shown pictures of Kapitans decked out in Mandarin robes during his tours to four cities of Java. See Skinner, G.W., “Overseas Chinese Leadership: Paradigm for a Paradox”, note 36, in Wijeyewardene, G. (ed.), Leadership and Authority (Singapore, 1968), p. 205Google Scholar.

101 The Tao-tʼai title held by Tan Kim Ching and the 2nd rank held by Chang Keng Kui and the inscribed tablet from the Emperor belong to higher and more prestigious honours.

102 Skinner, G.W., op. cit., in Wijeyewardene, G. (ed.). Leadership and Authority, p. 197.

103 China-orientation can be seen clearly from the fact that a number of rich merchants sent their children to China for education and their bodies back for entombment. The bodies of Khoo Cheng Tiong, Cheang Hong Lim and Tan Tai (Chʼen Tʼai in Mandarin, , father of Tan Chor-nam), three well-known rich merchants in Singapore, were sent back to their home villages in Southern Fukien. See Vaughan, J.D., The Manner and Custom of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements (Singapore 1879), p. 31; Tseng Tsung-yen, “Epitaph of Khoo Cheng Tiong”, in Shig Pao, 25/11/1896, pp. 5, 8; “Obituary of Cheang Hong Lim”, in Sing Pao, 20/4/1893, p. 5; Tan Chor-nam, interview on 7th August 1966 at his residence in Singapore.

104 The fact that most of the Kapitans who held Chʼing honours had their photographs taken in Chʼing official costume rather than that of Kapitan's indicates such preference.

105 Sing Pao, 20/4/1893, p. 5, 25/11/1896, pp. 5, 8.

106 Both had acquired first rank for their ancestors up to three generations. Ibid.

107 A full list of their names and titles can be found in the “Obituary of Cheng Hong Lim”, in Sing Pao, 20/4/1893, p. 5.

108 Lin was elected as Vice-President of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce in April 1906, and obtained his title in July of the same year. See Minutes of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce (manuscript), vol. 1, pp. 2–3; Lat Pau, 5/7/1906, p. 7.

109 Many rich Chinese merchants in 19th century Singapore and Malaya seem to have made their fortunes from speculative business like tin-mining, revenue, opium, liquor and gambling farmings. Some exceedingly rich such as Tan Kim Cheng, Foo Chee Choon, Cheang Hong Lim, Chang Keng Kui, Chin Ah Yam and Chang Pi-shih derived much of their wealth from these businesses. See Ken, Wong Lin, The Malayan Tin Industry to 1914 (Tucson, 1965), pp. 64, 76–81Google Scholar; Wynne, W.L., Triad and Tabut (Singapore, 1941), p. 344Google Scholar; Kuo-hsiang, Kʼuang, Pin-Chʼeng Shan-chi (A Miscellaneous Chronicle of Penang, Hong Kong, 1958), pp. 97–117Google Scholar; Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1905, in CD. 3186, p. 30, Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1906, in CD. 3741, p. 4.

110 This has always been one of the major weaknesses of overseas Chinese enterprises. It can still be observed in Chinese communities in Singapore and Malaysia today.

111 Freedman, Maurice, “Immigrants and Association: Chinese in Nineteenth-Century Singapore”, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 3 (1960–61), pp. 28–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

112 Hsieh Yung-kuang, a Chinese Kapitan in Acheh and a rich merchant in Penang, was appointed as Acting Chinese Vice-Consul in Penang in 1895, and was made Vice-Consul in 1897. He purchased a title of Tung-chih soon after obtaining the post, and purchased a Chien-sheng degree in the next year. Another example is the case of Ho Chin-ti (). Ho was a merchant who was made a staff official in the Chʼing Consulate-General in Singapore in 1892. He purchased a Kung-sheng degree in the same year; and a title of Hsien-Chʼen in 1894. See Tsungli Yamen Archives: The Mission of Lo Feng-lu to England in the 28th Year of Kuang Hsu (manuscript), Chʼing no. 399; The Mission of Chang Teh-i to England in the 30th Year of Kuang Hsu (Manuscript), Chʼing no. 387.