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Twenty Years of Sinlapa watthanatham: Cultural Politics in Thailand in the 1980s and 1990s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 April 2011

Hong Lysa
Hong Lysa
Affiliation:
National University of Singapore
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Abstract

Founded in 1979, the Thai popular monthly magazine Sinlapa watthanatham aimed to make history, art and culture into areas of contestation against long-established official interpretations, and thus encourage a broad-based readership to reassess their assumptions about Thai-ness. However, the question of magazine sales, the context of the economic boom, and the crisis that erupted in 1997 led the magazine to succumb to consumerism, as well as a conservative ideology.

Type
Popular History in Vietnam and Thailand
Information
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 31 , Issue 1 , March 2000 , pp. 26 - 47
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 2000

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References

This article first took shape as a discussion paper, “Fifteen years of Sinlapa watthanatham: From fragmentation to commodification of Thai Art and Culture”, presented at the 6th International Thai Studies Conference in Chiangmai (October 1996). Sinlapa watthanatham translated and published the paper in its twentieth-anniversary issue under the title “Sinlapa watthanatham: jak khwamplaekyaek su krabuankan tham hai sinlapa watthanatham Thai klai pen sinkha”, Sinlapa watthanatham (hereafter SW) 20,1 (1998): 101–107. For this revised version, Sirilak Samphatchalit, Wipudh Sobhavong, Rungrawi Chaleomsiripinyorat and Ampon Jirattikon went out of their way to obtain materials, and offered information and insight; Kasian Tejapira provided bearings, and Vani S. helped sustain the effort.

1 Sapnarin, Ruangchai, “Kon pathomkrit Sinlapa watthanatham” [Before the auspicious beginnings of Sinlapa watthanatham], SW 20, 1 (1998): 64Google Scholar.

2 A graduate of archaeology from Sinlapakon University in 1970, Sujit (b. 1945) was the editor of the journal of the Faculty. He also developed a reputation as a short-story writer, musician and poet, and his works enjoyed the patronage of cultural conservatives like Kukrit Pramoj. However, following the student uprisings and the fall of the dictatorship in October 1973, he became associated with liberal elements in Thai cultural circles. Phillips, Herbert, Modern Thai Literature with an Ethnographical Interpretation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), p. 20Google Scholar; Anderson, Benedict R.O'G and Mendiones, Ruchira, In the Mirror: Literature and Politics in Siam in the American Era (Bangkok: Editions Duang Kamol, 1985), pp. 287–88Google Scholar.

3 Prachachat was initiated following the 14 October 1973 popular uprising that led to the downfall of the authoritarian regime of Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn, putting an end to almost forty years of military supremacy in government. Prachachat drew its readership from among progressive, independently-minded students and intellectuals not directly linked to any political party or grouping. Its founders included Khanchai Boonphan and Suthichai Yun, both near-contemporaries of Sujit who are now prominently associated with the Matichon newspaper group and the Thai English-language newspaper The Nation respectively.

4 Phillips, Modern Thai Literature, pp. 20–21.

5 Fiske, John, “The Popular Economy”, in Cultural Theory and Popular Culture: A Reader, ed. Storey, John (New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994), p. 497Google Scholar.

6 “Sinlapa bon ruankai: Mai Jaroenpura” [The body as art: Mai Jaroenpura], SW 14, 2 (1992)Google Scholar.

7 “Latthi phithi Sadet Pho Ro. 5” [The Cult of Rama V], SW 14, 10 (1993)Google Scholar. Nidhi analyzed the phenomenon of Bangkokians spontaneously making their way to the equestrian statue of Rama V on Tuesday evenings to make offerings to his spirit, hoping for miracles in their business and financial matters. He identified the cult worshippers as urban, independent business people with irregular incomes such as shop owners and street vendors, as well as stock and real estate speculators who see themselves as being at the mercy of the bureaucracy. Rama V, who was born on a Tuesday, is revered as the modernizer who brought system and rationality to the bureaucracy.

8 “Luang Pho Khun Porisuttho wan ni thi Wat Ban Rai”, SW 17, 6 (1996)Google Scholar.

9 “DIANA kanpathiwat dokmai: khwamtai thi plianplaeng lok” [Diana, the flower revolution: the death that changed the world], SW 19, 1 (1998)Google Scholar.

10 “TITANIC mahuntaphai lok mai luem” [Titanic, a huge disaster that the world has not forgotten], SW 19, 4 (1998)Google Scholar.

11 In SW 16,6 (1995).

12 For example, political scientist Chai-anan Samudavanija, a prominent proponent of greater constitutional rights following October 1973, remarked retrospectively that, “Failing to ally themselves with the royal institution, nationalism or even religion, they left themselves vulnerable to attack.” See Morell, David and Samudavanija, Chai-anan, Political Conflict in Thailand: Reform, Reaction, Revolution (Massachusetts: Oelgeschlager, Gunn and Hain, 1981), pp. 174–75Google Scholar.

13 Reynolds, Craig J., Thai Radical Discourse: The Real Face of Thai Feudalism Today (Ithaca: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 1987), p. 15Google Scholar.

14 Wongthes, Sujit, “Editorial”, SW 1, 1 (1979): 7Google Scholar.

15 Wongthes, Sujit, “Tonthi Krung Siayutthaya Krung Sukhothai yang mai tai” [In the Ayuthia period, Sukhothai was not yet dead], SW 1, 1 (1979): 8–15Google Scholar.

16 See the article by Sujit Wongthes, “Jak ‘khan Tai’ theung ‘khon Thai’ jon pen prathet Thai” [From ‘Tai’ to ‘Thai’ peoples, and finally, Thailand] and Bandan, Thongmen, “Khon Thai ma jak nai” [Where did the Thai people come from?], SW 1, 2 (1979): 15–19 and 20–23 respectivelyGoogle Scholar; the latter is also the cover title of the issue.

17 In 1939, the name of the country was changed from “Siam” to “Thailand” as part of the policy of the Phibun regime (1939–44), “monopolising the nation semantically” for the Thai-speaking peoples, and taking advantage of the word's meaning “free” to distinguishing itself from its colonized neighbours. See Reynolds, Craig J., “Introduction”, in National Identity and Its Defenders: Thailand, 1939–1989, ed. Reynolds, Craig J., Monash Papers on Southeast Asia no.25 (Clayton, Vic: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1991), p. 5Google Scholar.

18 Bandan, Thongbem, “Samoson Sinlapa watthanatham” [Art and Culture Club], SW 1, 2 (1979): 41–51Google Scholar.

19 “Khwampenma khong wan chaloem phraratchanomphansa” [Origins of royal birthday celebrations], SW 1, 2 (1979): 7–8Google Scholar.

20 “Editorial”, SW 9, 1 (1987): 142Google Scholar.

21 Charnvit Kasetsiri, address on “Sinlapa watthanatham and Thai history”, on the occasion of the twentieth-anniversary celebrations of the founding of Sinlapa watthanatham, Bangkok, 22 Nov. 1998 (tape recording).

22 Aeusrivongse, Nidhi, “Kanmuang Thai samai Phrajao Krung Thonburi” [Politics in the reign of the King of Thonburi], SW, special issue (Dec. 1985)Google Scholar; “Sunthonphu:mahakawi kradumphi” [Sunthonphu: great bourgeois poet], SW, special issue on two hundred years of Sunthonphu (May 1986): 1–35.

23 Winichakul, Thongchai, “New Histories in Thailand since 1973”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 26, 1 (1995): 108–109CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Princess Kalyani Vadhana, “Reuang silajaruek Phokhun Ramkhamhaeng” [On the Ramkhamhaeng Inscription]; Krairiksh, Phiriya, “…Silajaruek lak thi neung Phrabat Somdet Phrachomklaojaoyuhua song phrachaniphon kuen” [Inscription Number One was written by King Mongkut], SW 10, 6 (1989): 20–25 and 26–29 respectivelyGoogle Scholar.

25 Nin-athi, Somchai, “Reuan Thai Isan lae prapheni kanyu asai” [Northeastern domestic architecture and lifestyle], SW 9, 2 (1987): 92–96Google Scholar.

26 Petkaeo, Chuan, “Thammathatphanich: nak prat thong thin Phak Tai” [Thammatas Panich: philosopher of the South], SW 7, 11 (1986): 54–60Google Scholar.

27 “Chang phuen muang som wat luang” [Local craftsmen repair royal temple], SW 3, 1 (1981)Google Scholar.

28 “Kham haikan khong Sujit Wongthet” [Sujit Wongthes's testimony], SW 9, 12 (1988): 23–25Google Scholar.

29 In addition to Sinlapa watthanatham, the Matichon group also currently publishes a daily, Matichon; a business-oriented paper, Prachachat Thurakit; a weekly news magazine, Matichon sapda wijan; a popular technology magazine, Teknoloyi chaoban; and runs the Matichon Information Centre which sells information to customers, and provides information technology-related services like e-commerce.

30 Despite the attempts at featuring more popular topics, and sensational billing on the cover, where words like “Urgent!” and “Secret!” screamed across the page, the contents of the magazine on the whole were weighty and solid. A good number of articles were synopses of Masters Degree theses from Thai universities; the magazine even published fairly dense summaries of the lengthy submissions by historians to the Committee for the Reconsideration of Thai History, Office of the Prime Minister. For example, see the editorial team's excerpt of the Committee's report, “That lae sangkhom that samai Sukhothai mi ru mai” [Were there slaves and slave society in the Sukhothai period?], SW 10, 2 (1988): 76–82Google Scholar.

31 “Letters to the Editor”, SW 11, 5 (1990): 15Google Scholar.

32 Aeusrivongse, Nidhi, “Songkhram anusawari kap rat Thai” [War, monuments and the Thai state], SW 11, 3 (1990): 81–102Google Scholar; “Laeo rao ko rakkan‥nai khosana” [And then we fall in love in advertisements], SW 11, 1 (1989): 73–80Google Scholar; “Reuang popo pluai pluai” [Obscenity, the Thai way], SW 11, 5 (1990): 94–106Google Scholar.

33 Yimpraseot, Suthachai, “Kamnoet lae phattanakan roem raek khong klwn Soi Ratchakhru” [Origins of the Soi Rachakhru clan], SW 11, 1 (1989): 82–97Google Scholar.

34 Kasetsiri, Charnvit, “Yang mai mi khao di jak Khamen-Yasothonpura” [Still no good news from Cambodia]”, SW 11, 1 (1989): 102–110Google Scholar.

35 Valllibhotama, Srisak, “Meuang boran nai anajak Sukhothai” [Ancient settlements in Sukhothai State]”, SW 11, 1 (1989): 33Google Scholar.

36 Anake Nawigamune is the author of a series of books on old historical photographs.

37 “Editorial”, SW 14, 2 (1992): 11Google Scholar.

38 “Phraya Suriyanuwat: nak setthasat khon raek khong prathet Thar” [Phraya Suriyanuwat: Thailand's first economist], SW 13, 5 (1992)Google Scholar. Phraya Suriyanuwat had served for almost eighteen years in various diplomatic missions in Europe, the last as Ambassador to France, before returning to Bangkok in 1905. While Finance Minister he had serious clashes with the Ministry of the Interior over its revenue collection authority in the provinces. He gave in to pressure to resign and retired from government service. Phraya Suriyanuwat (Koet Bunnag) naksetthasat khon raek khong muang Thai [Phraya Suriyanuwat (Koet Bunnag): Thailand's first economist], ed. Sirilak Sakkriangkrai (Bangkok: Thai Watthana Phanit, 1980). See also Brown, Ian, “Economic Thought in Early Twentieth-Century Siam”, in Thai Constructions of Knowledge, ed. Chitakasem, Manas and Turton, Andrew (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1991), pp. 84–98Google Scholar.

39 This discussion deals with the first two of the three articles comprising the feature. The last is omitted as it is the reprint of an interview with the last surviving member of Phraya Suriyanuwat's family, published in a commemorative issue of a publication by the NESDB. It is hence of less analytical value for our purposes.

40 Samrongwattana, Suwani, “Akhan Suriyanuwat thi chao Sapha Phat phumjai” [Suriyanuwat Building: the pride of the NESDB], SW 13, 5 (1992): 95Google Scholar.

41 “Phraya Suriyanuwat kap naew khwamkhit thang setihakit” [Phraya Suriyanuwat and Economic Thought], SW 13, 5 (1992): 104Google Scholar.

42 In the early 1990s, wine became the fashionable drink of the Bangkok elite; its consumption was part of becoming modern, wealthy, cosmopolitan and globalized. See Phongpaichit, Pasuk and Baker, Chris, Thailand's Boom! (Chiangmai: Silkworm Books, 1996), p. 164Google Scholar. The food review is in “Wine and Dine”, SW 18, 5 (1997): 120–22Google Scholar.

43 For example, Vallibhotama, Srisak, “Isan: khwamsamphan khong chumchon thi mi khu nam khan din kap kankoet khong rat nai prathet Thai” [Isan: the relationship between communities with dykes and state formation in Thailand], SW 9, 1 (1986): 130–40Google Scholar. See also his book-length study, Aeng arayatham Isan: chae lakthan borannakhadi phlik chomna prawatsat Thai (A Northeastern site of civilization: new archeological evidence to change the face of Thai history), first published as a special issue of SW in 1990.

44 Sujit Wongthes, Jek pon Lao [Mix of Chink and Lao], Special Publication, SW (1987). Sujit abbreviated jek pon lao as jo po lo, which sounds close to Jo. Po. Ro., an abbreviated form of Julajomklao Military College, the institution that educates the country's military officers, the official defenders of Thai-ness. This close association in sound is especially amusing as the ‘r’ sound is absent in the Chinese language, and the jek are prone to pronounce it as ‘1’.

45 Naewchampa, Chumphon, “‘Pla daek’ kap khwammankhong nai chiwit khong chao Isan” [Fermented fish and dietary security in the northeast], SW 13, 4 (1992): 92–96Google Scholar. Pla ra hitherto had been despised by central Thais for what were regarded as its putrid smell and texture, and for being unhygienic in the way that it is prepared.

46 “Tukkae tubkae” [Geckos], SW 19, 3 (1995): 76–87Google Scholar.

47 “Jurassik Siam isan Ian pi: aeng chiwit doekdamban” [Jurassic Siam, a million years of Isan: the cradle of life in antiquity], SW 17, 12 (1996): 84–124Google Scholar. While geologists and palaeontologists have regularly unearthed fossils in the region since 1959 similar to those found in the Gobi Desert, the article refers to the major finds in 1994 of unique fossils in Khon Khaen.

48 Chan-ngao, Sumitra, “Khi ma kham khao: pai muban dinosao thi Mongolia” [Riding across the mountains: to Dinosaur Village in Mongolia], SW 17, 12 (1996): 164Google Scholar.

49 Bangkok Post, 31 Oct. 1996.

50 Tejapira, Kasian, “The Story of Three Songs: Illuminations on the Cultural Politics of Thai Cultural Citizenship”, Journal of Behavioural and Social Sciences 1 (1997): 118Google Scholar.

51 Reynolds, Craig J., “Sino-Thai business culture: Strategies, management and warfare”, The Asia-Pacific Magazine 6–7 (1997): 35–38Google Scholar.

52 Kasian, “The Story of Three Songs”, p. 117.

53 For a critique of this argument, see Pinches, Michael, “Cultural Relations, Class and the Rich of Asia”, in Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia, ed. Pinches, Michael (London: Routledge, 1999), pp. 1–26Google Scholar.

54 Kanari, Thamakiat, “Phraratchakuson trut jin lae phraratchaphithi sangwoei phrapai”, SW 12, 4 (1991): 67–73Google Scholar.

55 Ibid., p. 73.

56 Phrai-angkun, Phongsak, “Won Map pai yeuan Hailam” [Hainan revisited], SW 11, 8 (1990): 108–117Google Scholar.

57 For example, see SW 12, 4 (1991): 63–65Google Scholar.

58 Chitrabasa, Bhasit, “Ahan jin” [Chinese cuisine], SW 11, 12 (1989): 47–49Google Scholar.

59 For instance, a stir-fry sea cucumber dish using light soy sauce augers wealth, while dark sauce will produce an inauspicious colour. Vechasat, Sari, “Kin sirimongkon wan trutjin” [Good eating at Chinese New Year], SW 13, 4 (1992): 97–99Google Scholar.

60 Theevavech, Suni, “Dara sao luk –jek” [A female star of Chinese descent], SW 13, 4 (1992): 162Google Scholar.

61 Ibid., p. 163.

62 Ibid., p. 164.

63 “2540: Yaowarat naiphayu fun” [1997: Chinatown, Wind of Change], SW 18, 4 (1997): 84–114Google Scholar.

64 Ibid., p. 98.

65 Ibid., p. 97.

66 “Why not buy Thai products?”, The Nation, 1 Oct. 1997. Jao Koko, however, was not about to compromise on quality and comfort for the sake of nationalism. “At present I am making a point of selecting Thai over foreign products…except for my shoes. I just cannot wear shoes made in Thailand. The leather's not supple enough so my feet hurt.”

67 Chan-ngao, Sumitra, “Duai rak lae napthue” [A message with love], SW 19, 7 (1998): 161Google Scholar. In volume 18, number 12 (Oct. 1997), Sumitra, the executive editor, had discussed the decline in revenue and the need to cut production costs, proudly mentioning that actually it had expected its readership to be loyal enough to bear with any price increase as before. In the previous instance, it was reported that following the drastic revision of cover price from 50 baht to 90 baht in May 1995, the expectation was that sales would drop to 3000 copies. After an initial decline, by the end of the year, circulation had reached the original ceiling and then passed it (p. 214). The first issue of Sinlapa watthanatham was priced at 10 baht; just before Matichon took it over, the newsstand price was 30 baht.

68 Chiengkul, Witayakorn, “Nangsue di thi khon Thai khuan an” [Great books that Thais should read], SW 19, 9 (1998): 78–104Google Scholar.

69 Jirattikorn, Amporn, “Nangsue di lent thi 101: korani nawiniyai kap sangkhom thai” [Best book number 101: the case of the novel and society], SW 19, 9 (1998): 104–112Google Scholar.

70 Sivaraksa, Sulak, “Nangsue di roi lemjing rue?” [Are there really 100 great books?], SW 19, 9 (1998): 112–16Google Scholar.

71 Tejapira, Kasian, “Boriphokniyom yang yangyoen” [Persistent consumerism], SW 19, 9 (1998): 126–27Google Scholar; Aeusrivongse, Nidhi, “Jariyatham thai” [Thai ethics], SW 19, 9 (1998): 118–24Google Scholar; Sivaraksa, Sulak, in SW 19, 7 (1998): 72–74, and 19,8 (1998): 116–26Google Scholar.

72 Wongthes, Sujit, “Editorial”, SW 19, 10 (1998): 14–15Google Scholar.

73 “Ahan chao wang: beuang lang to sctwoei” [Food for the royals: the story behind the royal table], SW 19, 10 (1998): 79–90Google Scholar.

74 Ibid., pp. 104–106.

75 “Khrai an Sinlapa watthanatham?” [Who reads Sinlapa watthanatham?], SW 19, 3 (1998): 61Google Scholar.

76 Niwat Kongphian, nicknamed keji nud (nudity expert), is the author of a handsomely illustrated Sinlapa watthanatham special publication entitled “Choeng sangwat: kammarup nai phapkhian tarn praphaeni thi mi siang wannakhadi Thai” [Erotica: Traditional erotic mural paintings in Thai literature] (1998). Sinlapa watthanatham was flooded with letters from readers on this generally surprise appointment. Niwat stressed in an interview that he had been involved in the magazine from its inception, and rather than instituting changes, would be keeping to its original brief. Supporting his appointment, Sujit Wongthes credited Niwat for appreciating erotic temple murals innovatively and effectively as sources of social and cultural history. “Sujit Wongthes-Niwat Kongphian klap ma ha Sinlapa watthanatham” [Sujit Wongthes-Niwat Kongphian returns to Sinlapa watthanatham], Sayam rat sapda wijan, 11–13 Apr. 1999. In a move to mark the break with the “Taste of the Times” orientation, Sinlapa watthanatham adopted a new slogan, “Thang leuak nueng khong sangkhom Thai” [One of the choices for Thai society]. The cover features in volume 21 include an article dramatically titled “Prawatsat Sayamprathet: jap kohok plom prawatsat” [History of Siam: fake history] (no. 1, Nov. 1999), a reflection on Eric Hobsbawm's discussion of the invention of tradition. Another issue featured “Wikritkan wang na: prisana kanmuang ron khrai phao wang luang Ro. 5” [The Front Palace Crisis: the political puzzle of who set fire to the Main Palace in the Fifth Reign] (no. 5, Mar. 2000). Dr Pranee Wongthes declared in a conversation with the author on 10 Mar. 2000 that “Sujit has returned to Sinlapa watthanatham” and is once again setting its direction.

77 Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995), pp. 19–20Google Scholar.