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Analyses in the Social Division of Welfare*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2009

Abstract

Richard Titmuss's ‘The Social Division of Welfare’ has been neglected as a framework for assessing changes in social policy and society. The analytical, as opposed to the descriptive, value of the original essay becomes more evident, and more significant, when the relations between the social divisions of labour and welfare are examined in terms of the distribution of benefits and services through the public, fiscal and occupational systems; the growth and differential recognition of needs and ‘man-made’ states of dependency; the variations in the primary objectives of welfare including control; the interrelationship of the different systems and the ways in which they legitimate the existing social structure. This paper seeks to show that, combined with a consideration of power and the state, time and security and the institutions of capitalism, the ideas of the original essay encourage a more dynamic analysis of the impact of the three systems of welfare on society than has so far been attempted.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1978

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References

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41 See note 22 above.

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44 Titmuss, , Essays on ‘The Welfare State’, p. 53.Google Scholar

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46 Ibid., quoting Gerth, Hans and Mills, C. Wright, Character and Social Structure, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1954, pp. 88–9.Google Scholar

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60 See for example O'Connor, James, The Fiscal Crisis of the State, St Martin's Press, New York, 1973, chs 1 and 5Google Scholar; Gough, Ian, ‘State Expenditure in Advanced Capitalism’, New Left Review, 92 (1975)Google Scholar; and also the papers being produced by the Conference of Socialist Economists.

61 Myrdal, Gunnar, Asian Drama, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, 1968Google Scholar, Appendix 3, sections 5 and 6.

62 Titmuss, , Essays on ‘The Welfare State’ (1958), pp. 54–5.Google Scholar

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70 The term made familiar by Bachrach, Peter and Baratz, Morton S., Power and Poverty, Oxford University Press, New York, 1970.Google Scholar

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84 Corwin and Miller, op. cit. p. 213.

85 Quoted in Marriott, Oliver, The Property Boom, Hamish Hamilton, London, 1967, p. 112Google Scholar; and in Counter Information Service, The Recurrent Crisis of London, London, 1973, p. 22.Google Scholar

86 Titmuss, , Income Distribution and Social ChangeGoogle Scholar; Atkinson, A. B., ‘Income Distribution and Social Change Revisited’, Journal of Social Policy, 4:1 (1975), 5768Google Scholar; and, for a discussion of the real extent of any shift from land-ownership to renting, see Rose, David, Newby, Howard, Saunders, Peter and Bell, Colin, ‘Land Tenure and Official Statistics: A Research Note’, Journal of Agricultural Economics, 01 1977.Google Scholar

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91 See pp. 137–8 above.

92 Titmuss, , Income Distribution and Social ChangeGoogle Scholar; ‘Taxing in the Dark’, The Economist, 31 May 1969, p. 54Google Scholar, quoted in Heidenheimer et al., op. cit. p. 241. See also notes 22 and 23 above.

93 Figures cited in Heidenheimer et al., op. cit. p. 239 show taxable income as 43 per cent of total personal income in the United Kingdom, 45 per cent in the United States, 24 per cent in France and 79 per cent in West Germany at the end of the 1960s. My own impression is that this percentage will have fallen in the United Kingdom.

94 Tussing, A. Dale, ‘The Dual Welfare System’, Society, January-February 1974Google Scholar: ‘The legitimacy of one's income and, especially, one's position in the overall distribution of income, are central preoccupations. No welfare programs are inherently legitimate where the dominant ideology of individualism still appears to reject the welfare state in: principle (while applying it in practice – a conflict of some significance). In the view of many people, job-holders are members of and contributors to society; non-job-holders are not. Job-holding legitimates one's political role, as well. In local, state and national politics, more is heard today about “taxpayers” than about “citizens”.

95 Economists should not feel deterred by Titmuss's firmly held conception of social as opposed to economic markets. It does not in my view obstruct the analysis of the political economy of welfare, but there are other problems that have received little attention here such as the exact distinction between wages and non-wage benefits in employment.

96 George and Wilding, op. cit. p. 129.

97 See especially Titmuss, R. M., The Gift Relationship, Allen and Unwin, London, 1970.Google Scholar

98 See p. 134 above.

99 For a lively analysis of the varying roles of planning, see Miller, S. M., ‘Planning: Can It Make a Difference in Capitalist America?’, Social Policy, 0910 1975, p. 22Google Scholar. Heclo, Hugh and Wildavsky, Aaron, The Private Government of Public Money, Macmillan, London, 1974, ch. 2Google Scholar, would suggest that this view may persist in the conventional wisdom of the Treasury.

100 Marshall, T. H., Sociology at the Cross-Roads, Heinemann, London, 1973, pp. 158–64Google Scholar (‘Professionalism in Relation to Social Structure and Social Policy’) illustrates the optimistic perceptions of altruism in the new professional strength resulting from the ‘welfare state’.

101 See Deacon and Sinfield, op. cit.

102 Pahl, R. E. and Winkler, J. T., ‘The Economic Elite: Theory and Practice’, in Stanworth, Philip and Giddens, Anthony (eds), Elites and Power in British Society, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1974, p. 119.Google Scholar

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104 Veblen, Thorstein, The Theory of Business Enterprise, first published in 1904 and reprinted by Mentor Books, New York, 1965, p. 19.Google Scholar

105 As an indication of good faith in making such a challenge, I am attempting to respond to it myself in one way (see note 22 above), while becoming ever more aware of the wide range of opportunities that exist.

106 See p. 144 and note 57 above.