Some conjectures on the reign of Vespasian

R. Knox McElderry

doi:10.2307/296025

Some conjectures on the reign of Vespasian

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 September 2012

R. Knox McElderry

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It is to be feared that the greater part of the Histories of Tacitus is lost beyond recall: Latin literature appears but rarely among the treasures of the sands of Egypt. The consequent gap in our knowledge is very imperfectly filled by the records that do remain. It is certain that many events of importance have been wholly passed over in them, while many others are referred to in such an incidental and cursory way that varying interpretations seem possible, and conjecture becomes permissible and even necessary.

We know in general that Vespasian was an energetic reformer and reorganiser: it may be possible, even with our fragmentary evidence, to trace his reorganisation of the two wealthiest provinces, Asia and Africa, somewhat more fully than has hitherto been done. With regard to Asia, the conjecture seems justifiable that Eprius Marcellus was Vespasian's agent for reform, and that his prolonged tenure of the proconsulship of Asia is to be so explained. And in Africa, there may be some reason for supposing that Q. Vibius Crispus performed a similar service, and that his proconsulship there was similarly extended.

Type: Research Article
Information: The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 3 , November 1913 , pp. 116 - 126

DOI: https://doi.org/10.2307/296025 [Opens in a new window]
Copyright: Copyright © R. Knox Mcelderry1913. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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^{page 116 note 1} No real doubt seems to be warranted by the hybrid coin recorded by B. V. Head, B. M. Catalogue, Lydia, p. 244. For Marcellus in general cf. Kappelmacher in Pauly-Wissowa, vi, 261–264.

^{page 117 note 1} See especially Tac. Hist. iv, 8Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 2} Fastes, no. 96.

^{page 117 note 3} Waddington, Fastes, p. 12; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii, 251Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 4} Stech in Klio, Beibeft x, pp. 1–7,Google Scholar gives a list of about 40 consulars alive at the beginning of 70; but many of these were not available.

^{page 117 note 5} Année Epigraphique, 1908, no. 229. I have to thank Professor Haverfield for this reference, which I had overlooked, as well as for other suggestions.

^{page 118 note 1} Dio, 55, 28, 2; 58, 23, 5.

^{page 118 note 2} Antiq. 18, 6, 5.

^{page 118 note 3} ii, 126, 4: I am indebted to Professor Reid for this reference, and for other details.

^{page 118 note 4} cf. Hirschfeld, Verwaltungsbeamten, p. 374.

^{page 118 note 5} Suet. Vesp. 8, copied by many later writers.

^{page 118 note 6} Mommsen, Provinces, i, p. 262,Google Scholar but the evidence is inconclusive.

^{page 119 note 1} This is the view of von Arnim, who collects most of the evidence in his Dio von Prusa, pp. 214–210. His argument as to the exact date of the oration is not conclusive, but the evidence for Titus' and Domitian's action is independent of this.

^{page 119 note 2} There is no sufficient reason to suppose that Vespasian withdrew freedom from Mitylene, despite the note upon Inscr. Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes, iv. 84.

^{page 119 note 3} Brev. 10.

^{page 119 note 4} C.I.L. v, 871.

^{page 119 note 5} Cic. ad Fam. xiii, xiii, 53. Pun. N.H. v, 123,Google Scholar hardly proves that the Hellespont in general belonged to the conventus of Adramyttium.

^{page 119 note 6} Verwaltungsheamten, p. 372.

^{page 119 note 7} It is omitted in Pliny's list and recorded by Aelius Aristides.

^{page 120 note 1} Malalas, x, p. 262; Eustathius, ad Dionys. 270.

^{page 120 note 2} So Kalopothakes, de Thracia, pp. 12, 13, but the “Europe” of these passages is probably the later Thracian province of that name, and “Thrace” might then have its ordinary sense.

^{page 120 note 3} B.M. Cat. Thrace, etc. p. 199, as interpreted by Mommsen

^{page 120 note 4} Ath. Mitth. 1881, p. 212 (Kalopothakes).

^{page 120 note 5} cf. Domaszewski on C.I.L. iii, 7380.

^{page 120 note 6} Provinces, i, 306.

^{page 120 note 7} Inscr. Graecae ad res Rom. pertinentes, iv, 991–992, and references there given.

^{page 120 note 8} I.G. xii, I, 59, records a procurator of Domitian in Rhodes, but does not define his jurisdiction. He was probably a newly-enfranchised Greek and of lower rank than Italus.

^{page 120 note 9} Brandis in Pauly-Wissowa, ii, 1549, thinks that in the second century Phrygia was separated from Asia, and that there were then two procuratorships, one for Asia and one for Phrygia.

^{page 121 note 1} The coinage is of Apamea (B.M. Cat. Phrygia, pp. 94–95).

^{page 121 note 2} Hirschfeld, Verwaltungsheamten, p. 71.

^{page 121 note 3} So Mommsen, followed by Hirschfeld, loc. cit.

^{page 121 note 4} cf. Tyrrell and Purser's Corresp. of Cicero, iii, pp. 296–297Google Scholar.

^{page 121 note 5} Vesp. 16.

^{page 122 note 1} Punica, iii, 594, ff.

^{page 122 note 2} Histories, ii, 97; Suetonius, Vesp. 4, shows that Vespasian's unpopularity was not due to extortion or corrupt practices.

^{page 122 note 3} The evidence is inconclusive.

^{page 122 note 4} C.I.L. viii, 12028–9–30 and 12039 with Schmidt's notes.

^{page 122 note 5} cf. Kornemann in Klio, i, pp. 112,Google Scholar ff; 128–129.

^{page 123 note 1} cf. Prosopographia, V, 379.

^{page 123 note 2} Plin. N.H. 19, 4Google Scholar.

^{page 123 note 3} de Aquaeduct. 102.

^{page 123 note 4} Willems, le Sénat Romain en l'an 65, p. 7, conjectures that one M. Al …, mentioned in C.I.L. vi, 2002,Google Scholar of A.D. 56, is the same person. He is not otherwise recorded.

^{page 123 note 5} C.I.L. viii, 5866 (Sigus in Numidia), 21195 Caesarea).

^{page 123 note 6} The amphitheatre at Carthage, almost as large as the Colosseum, played a great part in the annual festival of the concilium. It can hardly have been built before the Flavian epoch; and a fragmentary inscription found in its ruins seems to record the name of Vespasian (C.I.L. viii, 125671 c).

^{page 123 note 7} Prosopographia, V, 379.

^{page 124 note 1} Suet. Galba, 7; cf. 8; Tac. Hist. iv, 38, 48–50Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 2} Pliny, N.H. 18, 35;Google ScholarHirschfeld in Klio, ii, 295Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 3} C.I.L. viii, p. 50; p. 472; Année Epigr. 1899, no. 91.

^{page 124 note 4} The Quirina was used by earlier emperors also in Africa, but these cases are generally distinguishable.

^{page 125 note 1} C.I.L. viii, 14882; Année Epigr. 1894, no. 65; 1902, no. 44; 1912, nos. 148–151.

^{page 125 note 2} e.g. at Capsa and Thagora, C.I.L. viii, 98,Google Scholar no, 4643.

^{page 125 note 3} I cannot find that any French scholar who has dealt with these inscriptions has raised this question.

^{page 125 note 4} cf. Tac. Hist. iii, 48;Google Scholar iv, 38; Septimius Severus showed similar anxiety in A.D. 193 (Spartian, Vita Sev. 8, 7 and Vita Nigri, 5, 4).

^{page 125 note 5} He is still sometimes called legatus provinciae Africae, more loosely.

^{page 125 note 6} C.I.L. viii, 10119; 10165 (=22172).

^{page 125 note 7} cf. Mommsen in Eph. Epigraphica, v, pp. 118–119Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 1} C.I.L. viii, 2532.

^{page 126 note 2} There is one instance (biennial) for Asia, of the third century, L. Egnatius Lollianus: cf. Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii, p. 257nGoogle Scholar = Fr. trans, iii, p. 295, n. 2. For this reference I am indebted to Professor Haverfield. For the whole procedure in extra sortem appointments, cf. Tac. Ann. iii, 32, 35, 58Google Scholar.

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