Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2008
Political life in Africa was described 25 years ago as ‘an almost institutionless arena with conflict and disorder as its most prominent features’. However, the wave of national conferences in Africa in the current decade would have been inconceivable without the various institutions and beliefs that have persisted despite the prevalence of dictatorship. These ‘fragments of democracy’ have been manifest in trade union movements, voluntary associations, and the nascent political parties that have organised popular protests against authoritarian régimes during the past few years.
1 Zolberg, Aristide R., ‘The Structure of Political Conflict in the New States of Tropical Africa’, in The American Political Science Review (Washington, DC), 62, 1, 03 1968, p. 70.Google Scholar
2 See Sklar, Richard L., ‘Developmental Democracy’, in Comparative Studies in Society and History (Cambridge), 29, 4, 10 1987, pp. 686–714.Google Scholar On popular protests, see Bourgi, Albert and Castern, Christian, Le Printemps de l'Afrique (Paris, 1992)Google Scholar; Bratton, Michael and Walle, Nicholas van de, ‘Towards Governance in Africa: popular demands and state responses’, in Hyden, Goran and Bratton, (eds.), Governance and Politics in Africa (Boulder, 1992), pp. 27–55,Google Scholarand ‘ Popular Protest and Political Reform in Africa’, in Comparative Politics (New York), 24, 4, 07 1992, pp. 419–42.Google Scholar
3 Voluntary associations were analysed extensively during the period of colonial protest. See Hodgkin, Thomas, Nationalism in Colonial Africa (London, 1956), pt. IIGoogle Scholar; Wallerstein, Immanuel, ‘Voluntary Associations’, in Coleman, James S. and Rosberg, Carl G. Jr., (eds.), Political Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1964), pp. 318–39Google Scholar; Little, Kenneth, West African Urbanization: a study of voluntary associations in social change (Cambridge, 1965)Google Scholar; and Meillassoux, Claude, Urbanization of an African Community: voluntary associations in Bamako (Seattle and London, 1968).Google Scholar
4 Hirschman, Albert O., Journeys Toward Progress: studies of economic policy-making in Latin America (New York, 1963), p. 267.Google Scholar
5 Michels, Robert, Political Parties: a sociological study of the oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy (New York, 1962), p. 343.Google Scholar
6 Przeworski, Adam, ‘Democracy as a Contingent Outcome of Conflicts’, in Elster, Jon and Slagstad, Rune (eds.), Constitutionalism and Democracy (Cambridge, 1985), p. 61.Google Scholar
7 Barrin, Jacques de, ‘Les Dirigeants africains s's engagent à “associer plus étroitement les populations à la construction de leur avenir”’, in Le Monde (Paris), 23 06 1990, p. 30.Google Scholar
8 Agier, Jean, president of Société J. Agier, related how during 1989, he had to pay 50 per cent before any orders would be shipped from Europe, and that such requirements excluded all but the largest companies from continuing in business. Interview, Akpapa, Benin, 8 February 1991.Google Scholar
9 Eyadéma had been undoubtedly influenced by Mobutu Sese Seko's successful use of animateurs to create a charismatic cult in Zaïre. See Toulabor, Comi M., Le Togo sous Eyadéma (Paris, 1986), pp. 193–229,Google Scholar and Schatzberg, Michael G., The Dialectics of Oppression in Zaïre (Bloomington, 1991), pp. 78–9.Google Scholar
10 Marchés tropicaux et méditerranéens (Paris), 1413, 8 12 1972, p. 3483.Google Scholar
11 Kjellström, Sven B. and d'Almeida, Ayite-Fily, Institutional Development and Technical Assistance in Macroeconomic Policy Formulation: a case study of Togo (Washington, DC, 1986), World Bank Staff Working Paper No. 786, p. 4.Google Scholar
12 Swanson, Daniel and Wolde-Semait, Teferra, Africa's Public Enterprise Sector and Evidence of Reforms (Washington, DC, 1989), World Bank Technical Paper No. 96, p. 36.Google Scholar
13 The production of phosphates increased from 119,501 to 3,355,540 tons between 1961 and 1989 according to Institut national de la recherche scientifique, Economie et société togolaises: chiffres, tendances et perspectives. Cahier 1991 (Lomé, 1991), p. 99. Unfortunately, Togolese phosphate rock contains large quantities of cadmium, which has come under increasing restrictions in Europe. Germany has been the most dramatic case: it imported 241,000 tons (5,062 million C.F.A. francs) in 1985, but only 114,150 tons in 1986 and 15,750 tons in 1987, and none after 1988. Chambre de commerce d'agriculture et d'industrie du Togo,Google ScholarBulletin mensuel (Lomé, 03 1990), p. 30.Google Scholar
14 ‘Plus de 120 millions de pertes pour le trésor national’, in Le Forum de la semaine (Cotonou), 43, 6–12 02 1991, p. 3.Google Scholar
15 Économie et société togolaise, p. 79.
16 Kpor, Cudjoe, ‘Festive Moment?’, in West Africa (London), 23–29 04 1990, p. 666, reported that in commemoration of the R.P.T.'s 20th anniversary, all workers were granted an interest-free advance on their next month's salary. A 5 per cent salary hike was also announced by Eyadéma, and peasant farmers were exempted from paying basic rates that year.Google Scholar
17 Agblewonou, Novissi, ‘L'Indépendance de la CNTT: bluff ou réalité?’, in La Tribune des démocrates (Lomé), 11, 15 05 1991, p. 2.Google Scholar
18 République togolaise, ‘Code du travail de la république togolaise’, in Journal officiel de la République du Togo (Lomé), 12, 10 05 1974, p. 4.Google Scholar
19 Agblewonou, loc. cit. p. 2.
20 Interview with Ibrahima, Zakari, Secretary-General, Syndicat national des travailleurs des postes et télécommunications (Synapostel), Cotonou, Benin 11 11 1991.Google Scholar
21 Efforts to unionise retailers had been attempted before the Kérékou régime. For example, Fagbamigbé, Guillaume, leader of the Unions des syndicats confédérés du Dahomey, an affiliate of the Confédération générale des travailleurs, unsuccessfully tried in 1953 to convince retailers to join the U.S.C.D.Google Scholar
22 See Hazoumé, Guy Landry, Suret-Canale, Jean, and Asiwaju, A. I., La Vie et l'oeuvre de Louis Hunkranin: suivi de deux écrits de Louis Hunkranin (Cotonou, 1977),Google Scholar and Manning, Patrick, Slavery, Colonialism and Economic Growth in Dahomey, 1640–1960 (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 263 and 271.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
23 Gbado, Beatrice, En Marche vers la liberté: préludes du renouveau démocratique au Bénin, un document historique, crise de 1989 au Bénin (Syndicat national des enseignements secondaire, technique, et professionel, Cotonou, 1990), p. 10.Google Scholar
24 Interview, Dossou, Robert, Cotonou, 30 September 1992.Google Scholar
25 Letter from Colonel Vincent Guezodje to President Kérékou, 23 November 1989, reprinted in Gbado, op. cit. pp. 79–80.Google Scholar
26 Interview, Dossou, 30 September 1992. See Dossou, Robert, ‘Le Bénin: du monolithisme politique à la démocratie pluraliste’, Conference on Democracy in Africa, Paris I (Sorbonne), 12 1990.Google Scholar Also, Kpatindé, Francis, ‘Mathieu Kérékou au pied du mur’, in Jeune Afrique (Paris), 1521, 26 02 1990, p. 14.Google Scholar
27 Emmanuel, Karl August, ‘Mass-media et consultations électorale du renouveau’, in Le Forum de la semaine, 42, 23–29 01 1991, p. 2.Google Scholar
28 Kpor, loc. cit. p. 665.
29 Agbobli, Atsutsé Kokouvi, ‘Eyadéma réflichit’, in Jeune Afrique, 1536, 11 06 1990, p. 19.Google Scholar
30 Amnesty International, Togo: emprisonnement politique et torture (London, 1987).Google Scholar
31 ‘Discours d'ouverture de son Excellence le Général Gnassingbé Eyadéma, Président-Fondateur du Rassemblement du Peuple Togolais, Président de la République’, in Séminaire national d's information et de sensibilisation organisé les 22 et 24 février 1988 à Lomé (Commission nationale des droits de l'homme, Lomé, 1988).Google Scholar
32 Demonstrations broke out on 5 October 1990 after two men were sentenced to five years in prison for distributing seditious tracts. Speaking shortly afterwards, the Minister of the Interior, General Yao Mawuliklimi Amuyi, asserted that the strike was part of an ‘international plot’ by elements residing in Abidjan. Chris Simpson, ‘Cries for Freedom’, in West Africa, 22–28 October 1990, p. 2701.
33 Kpatindé, Francis, ‘Status quo à Lomé’, in Jeune Afrique, 1569, 23–29 01 1991, p. 10.Google Scholar
34 ‘Accord: gouvernement/collectif de l'opposition’, dated 12 June 1991, signed by Komlanvi, Yao, Minister of the Interior and Security, and by Kwassi Lanyo Savi de Tovi for the Collectif de l'opposition démocratique.Google Scholar
35 Such fears were not unfounded. In April 1990, autochthonous Ewe farmers in western Togo killed an unknown number of Kabiyé sharecroppers who, in accordance with a 1974 decree that redistributed land to those who worked it, had gained title to holdings in the prosperous cocoa region around Palimé that they had farmed in a métayage relationship.Google Scholar
36 Le Monde, 19 June 1992.
37 République togolaise, ‘Acte No. 1 du 16 juillet 1991’, Conférence nationale.
38 ‘Rapport No. 6 du 16 juillet 1991’, ibid.
39 ‘Déclaration du gouvernement’, in La Tribun des démocrates, 18, 19 07 1991, p. 2.Google Scholar
40 ‘Deuxiéme déclaration du gouvernement’, in ibid. 19, 26 July 1991, p. 2.
41 ‘Résolution No. 15 relative à la mise sur pied d'une commission d'enquête chargée de faire la lumiére sur les massacres de la Lagune de Bé et autres forfaits, sur les déplacements massifs des populations et autres affrontements inter-ethnique, ainsi qu'à la poursuite judiciaire des auteurs reconnus coupables de ces actes’, and ‘Acte No. 18 portant suspension de délais de saisine des cours et tribunaux’, Conférence nationale souveraine, 26 August 1991.Google Scholar
42 Unacobe was vertically structured and its president, Augustine Codjia, negotiated directly with the relevant government authorities about commercial policy. Interview, Codjia, Augustine, Cotonou, 21 02 1991. On the A.P.R.T. and its corporatist relations with the Eyadéma régime,Google Scholar see Cordonnier, Rita, Femmes africaines et commerce: les revendeuses de tissue de la ville de Lomé (Togo) (Paris, 1987), p. 165.Google Scholar
43 Both Codjia, , president of Unacobe, and Grace Lawani, president of the Association des femmes entrepreneurs et commerçants du Bénin (Afaceb), emphasised in interviews the necessity for a free trade zone (zone franche) in Benin, although this was rejected by Elisabeth Mêgnibêto of the Association des commercants et commerçantes des marchés du Bénin (Accomab)Google Scholar. Since 1991, however, the latter has been increasingly marginalised among market women in Cotonou. For the demands of these organisations, see Conférence nationale des forces vives, Cotonou, 19–24 février 1990, Correspondences recues par le comité, Vol. v, Correspondances des syndicats, ordres et groupements professionnels (Cotonou, 1990).
44 Apedo-Amah, Ayay Togpate, ‘Les Femmes togolaises trahies par l'UNFT’, in La Tribune des démocrates, 5, 15 March 1991, p. 6.Google Scholar
45 Speech by Trenou, Madame Evelyne, ‘Rapport No. 18, Séance du mardi, 30 juillet 1992, Conférence nationale souveraine.Google Scholar
46 ‘Rapport No. 9: Séance du 19 juillet 1991’, ibid.
47 ‘Conférence nationale: composition des délégations officielles’, in La Nouvelle marche, 6 July 1991.Google Scholar
48 Interview, Dossou, Léopold, Secretary-General, Syndicat des enseignants du supérieur, Cotonou, 14 11 1992.Google Scholar
49 Synapostel, , ‘Examen de la question liée à la tenue du zème congrès ordinaire de l'UNSTB’, in Correspondances des syndicats, ordres et groupements professionnels.Google Scholar
50 ‘Acte No. 14 portant abrogation de l'ordonnance No. 77/5 du 4 mars 1977 relatives aux contisations syndicale et institution d'un comité de gestion des biens et avoirs de la CNTT’, Conférence nationale souveraine.Google Scholar
51 Allen, Chriset al., Benin, the Congo, and Burkina Faso: economics, politics and society (London and New York, 1989), p. 34.Google Scholar
52 According to students interviewed in 1991, a controversy existed about the merits of creating a federation of associations. Before independence they had been organised into the local branches of the monolithic Fédération des étudiants d'Afrique noire en France (F.E.A.N.F.). This evolved into the Union générale des étudiants et éléves du Dahomey (Ugeed), which continued to meet clandestinely throughout much of Kérékou's tenure of power. For an excellent study of Dahomean student associations,Google Scholar see Ahovi, Antoinette, ‘Le Mouvement syndical estudiantin et scolaire au Dahomey, 1956–1973’, Mémoire de maítrise, Université nationale du Bénin, 1988.Google Scholar
53 Letters from student associations, Conférence nationale des forces vives, Cotonou, 19–24 février 1990,Google ScholarCorrespondances reçues par le comité, Vol. VII, Correspondances des autres associations (Cotonou, 1990).Google Scholar
54 ‘Les Mouvements estudiantins adressent une pétition au chef de l'état’, in Forum-Hebdo (Lomé), 22 02 1991, p. 8.Google Scholar
55 These demands included increases in salaries for teachers and professors, more scholarships, and indemnity for unemployed graduates. Madjatom, Lèguedè, ‘Les Étudiants parlent enfin’, in La Parole (Lomé), 4, 6 03 1992, p. 4.Google Scholar
56 Hodabalo, Toyi, ‘Conflit macabre à l'Université du Bénin’, in La Tribune des démocrates, 6, 15 03 1991, p. 3, and ‘Rapport No. 20: Séance du jeudi ier août 1991’, Conférence nationale souveraine.Google Scholar
57 Saga, Hugo, ‘Chaillot n'est pas La Baule’, in Jeune Afrique, 1653, 27 11–312 1991.Google Scholar
58 To discourage frivolous candidates in the first round of voting (to establish the two leading contenders in the second round), the H.C.R. required a deposit of 5 million C.F.A. francs, to be forfeited if the person concerned did not win at least 10 per cent of the vote. ‘Loi No. 90–036 du 31 décembre 1990 définissant les règles particulières pour l'élection du Président de Ia République, Article 11’, in Jurislnfo (Cotonou), 33, 17 01 1991, p. 4.Google Scholar
59 Enagnon, Jean-Claude, ‘Bénin: référendum constitutionel victoire du “Oui”, ou signe de maturitédes béninois?’, in La Gazette du Golfe: édition internationale, 62, 1–15 12 1990, p. 4.Google Scholar
60 Horowitz, Donald L., A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Oxford, 1991), p. 175.Google Scholar
61 In particular, the coalition between the party of Hubert Maga from the north and that of the southern politician Adrien Houngbedji. Report in 24 Heures (Cotonou), 26, 25 02 1991, p. 4.Google Scholar
62 See Staniland, Martin, ‘The Three-Party System in Dahomey’, in The Journal of African History (Cambridge), 14, 2, 1973, pp. 291–312, and 14, 3, 1973, pp. 491–504, for a valuable two part study of how regional parties contributed to a highly divisive political arena between 1946 and 1957.Google Scholar
63 Although the Prime Minister had taken the portfolio of defence, the President still controlled the army, and after the first attempted coup on 1 October 1991, when troops occupied the radio/TV station, Eyadéma broadcast an appeal for the F.A.T. to respect the wishes of the Conférence nationale and return to their barracks. But a week later they stormed Koffigoh's residence and unsuccessfully tried to take him prisoner.Google Scholar
64 On 28 November 1991, soldiers occupied strategic points in Lomé, and although Koffigoh appealed to Paris for military protection, the French did not intervene and the Prime Minister's residence was bombarded. Television and radio broadcasts in Lomé at the time portrayed Eyadéma as seeking to control rebellious troops, despite the publication of an interview in Paris Match, 21 November 1991, in which the President said that all the decisions of the Conférence nationale were illegal. In addition, Eyadéma's departure for his home in the north at Piya just before R.P.T. loyalists challenged the H.C.R.'s decrees, and his rapid return to Lomé at the onset of violence, suggest a master tactician. The troops never relinquished their demands for an unconditional re-instatement of his power.Google Scholar
65 Africa Report (New York), 03–04 1993, p. 8.Google Scholar
66 Rouquié, Alain, ‘Demilitarization and the Institutionalization of Military-Dominated Polities in Latin America’, in O'Donnell, Guillermo, Schmitter, Philippe C., and Whitehead, Laurence (eds.), Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: comparative perspectives (Baltimore, 1986), pp. 131–3, poses the question of how to keep soldiers guilty of human rights abuses in their barracks, and points out that only by silence will a government be able to complete the transition without provoking the military to intervene.Google Scholar