In this paper we provide a preliminary characterization of the phonemic trill (i.e., /r/) as produced by twenty-four speakers of northern and central Peninsular Spanish. The acoustic analysis revealed a considerable number of non-canonical variants containing one or zero apical occlusions. The quantitative results showed robust effects of the following three factors on trill articulation: Speaker dialect, gender, and preceding vowel. Regarding social factors, central Peninsular speakers and male speakers showed the greatest propensity to produce fewer occlusions per phonemic trill. Regarding linguistic factors, non-canonical variants were especially common in contexts of preceding /u/; we interpret this result on articulatory grounds given the antagonistic gestures required for the trill and the high back vowel. All in all, these findings offer empirical support that geographically-oriented studies within a sociophonetic framework offer critical information on the diachrony of trill consonants.

Dialectometric intensity estimation as introduced in Rumpf etal. (2009) and Pickl and Rumpf (2011, 2012) is a method for the unsupervised generation of maps visualizing geolinguistic data on the level of linguistic variables. It also extracts spatial information for subsequent statistical analysis. However, as intensity estimation involves geographically conditioned smoothing, this method can lead to undesirable results. Geolinguistically relevant structures such as rivers, political borders or enclaves, for instance, are not taken into account and thus their manifestations in the distributions of linguistic variants are blurred. A possible solution to this problem, as suggested and put to the test in this paper, is to use linguistic distances rather than geographical (Euclidean) distances in the estimation. This methodological adjustment leads to maps which render geolinguistic distributions more faithfully, especially in areas that are deemed critical for the interpretation of the resulting maps and for subsequent statistical analyses of the results.

This paper describes the independent construction and implementation of two cellular automata that model dialect feature diffusion as the adaptive aspect of the complex system of speech. We show how a feature, once established, can spread across an area, and how the distribution of a dialect feature as it stands in Linguistic Atlas data could either spread or diminish. Cellular automata use update rules to determine the status of a feature at a given location with respect to the status of its neighboring locations. In each iteration all locations in a matrix are evaluated, and then the new status for each one is displayed all at once. Throughout hundreds of iterations, we can watch regional distributional patterns emerge as a consequence of these simple update rules. We validate patterns with respect to the linguistic distributions known to occur in the Linguistic Atlas Project.