Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 April 2015
This paper explores the ethical and legal pedagogy of the current debates on “reforming” Muslim societies, whether they claim to reform social and legal systems, reform educational institutions, or liberate Muslim women. Since these debates claim to achieve balance in global or domestic conflicts, I address the foundations of these debates by answering three questions:
Are the rationales for American and/or European governments' interventions justified?;
Can the discipline of civil law help in rethinking Islam for Muslims; and
Are Muslims themselves ready to critically address the use and misuse of Islam's primary sources (the Qur'an and particularly the Hadith) in their rethinking of Islam?
I argue that rather than seeking to “reform others,” in this case Muslims with an elitist attitude and sometimes violent interventions, we scholars of law and religion, scholars of Islam, policy-makers, and social justice researchers would be better off if:
we thought of Islam as a religio-moral rational worldview, rather than a set of laws,
we recognized Muslims as subject to historical transformation, like any other religious groups, and understood how they developed their present views of Islam, and
we considered our own real responsibilities to address the forms of global injustices as powerful shapers of world politics, particularly the politics of difference—the view that the “other” is inferior, and women's role as mostly complementary to men.
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2. Barazangi, Nimat Hafez, Woman's Identity and the Qur'an: A New Reading (U. Press Fla. 2004)Google Scholar. See ch. 2 for further details on Qur'anic sciences and literature.
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8. Badawi, Jamal, Gender Equity in Islam: Basic Principles (Am. Trust Publications 1995)Google Scholar; also, the President of ISNA (Islamic Society of North America), Ingrid Mattson, still talks about gender equity, resonating the sentiments of male leaders. Dr. Ingrid Mattson, Gender Equity: The Islamic Perspective, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C7SF-bGJ23c (accessed May 16, 2009).
9. See Doorn-Harder, Pieternella Van, Women Shaping Islam: Indonesian Women Reading the Qur'an 2–3 (U. Ill. 2006)Google Scholar (discussing why traditionalists view all sources of Islam, including jurisprudence (fiqh) books as holy texts).
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13. Jawdat Sa'id, in his Law, Religion And The Prophetic Method of Social Change, supra n. 1, at 83, also talks about “the world sheltering the intellectual viruses that destroy us.”
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18. The Salzburg Global Seminar announcement of October 25-30, 2008, for the Islamic and International Law program, is a good example of this perception. It starts with “Shari'a law and Islamic legal traditions are. …” as if these are two different entities! (on file with author).
19. The Qur'an states: “Thumma Ja'alnaka 'Ala Shari'aten mina al'Amr fa-Itabi'ha, wala tatb' Ahwa' alladheen layaa 'lamun.” (Then we put thee on the [right] way [path] of Religion: so follow thou that [way], and follow not the desires of those who know not.). Qur'an, Surah 45, al Jathiyah: 18.
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29. Qur'an, Surah 96, al'Alaq: 1, 4.
30. Nasir al Din al Albani makes Hadith the “central pillar of juridical process.” Lacroix, Stephan, Al-Albani's Revolutionary Approach to Hadith, 21 ISIM Review 6 (Summer 2008) (available at https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/'1887/13326/1/review_21.pdf)Google Scholar. For al Albani, “hadith alone … may provide answers to matters not found in the Qur'an without relying on the school of jurisprudence.” Id. Also, traditional Muslims, according to Martin Van Bruinessen are those who “rely on the teachings of Jurisprudence, or Fiqh, and mostly use Hadith in a ‘processed form’ as quoted in the Fiqh texts.” Van Doorn-Harder, supra n. 9, at 61 (quoting Bruinessen, Martin Van, Traditions for the Future: the reconstruction of traditionalist discourse within NU', in Nahdlatul Ulama, traditional Islam and modernity in Indonesia 165 (Barton, Greg & Fealy, Greg eds., Monash Asia Inst. 1996)Google Scholar.
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40. I here distinguish between civic order being clearly outlined in the Qur'an and the ongoing debate on political order of the state by political scientists, such as Bassam Tibi's assertion that the latter is not spelled out in the Qur'an. See Tibi, supra n. 23, at 101.
41. An excellent example is the unprecedented furor in inter-religious conferences that are taking place even as part of the UN General Assembly activities. Donald H. Argue & Leonard A. Leo, The Saudis' Dubious Interfaith Agenda at the UN, http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/1113/p09s02-coop.html (accessed Mar. 20, 2009).
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46. On April 22, 2003, Reuters quoted Loubna Freih, the U.N. Human Rights Commission Representative, reporting to the Commission that was ending its annual six-week session in Geneva, that “The international community has allowed warlords and local military commanders to take control of much of the country” by maintaining law and order in some places through the creation of “a climate of fear, not unlike under the Taliban” only 18 months after the U.S. forces toppled the Taliban regime, Afghanistan: “Climate of Fear” Growing, http://feminist.org/news/newsbyte/uswirestory.asp?id=7734 (accessed Mar. 25, 2009).
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51. Barazangi, supra n. 2, at 73 (quoting Ali Yusuf translation of the Qur'an, with some change in vocabulary).
52. Muslim Women League Newsletter (2001) (on file with author).
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60. Referenced to in most of the Muslims polemic literature, including contemporary writers, such as Yusuf al Qaradawi, supra n. 6.
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64. I specifically draw attention here to Muslim societies' treatment of women as perpetual minors by requiring the approval of a male guardian (even their own sons) of their affairs. See the report Perpetual Minors: Human Rights Abuses Stemming from Male Guardianship and Sex Segregation in Saudi Arabia, http://www.hrw.org/en/node/62251/section/1 (accessed Mar. 20, 2009).
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69. Qur'an, Surah 42, al Shura: 38.
70. Barazangi, supra n. 2, at 10, 104-105.
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72. See e.g. Issues of Hijab in France and the interference of European governments in teaching Islam in schools, or of the Americans in changing the curriculums in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Morocco.
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77. See text accompanying supra n. 46.
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[G]ender disparity was an underlying characteristic in the development of Islamic shari'ah historically, which was the means for establishing the basic moral rights and wrongs, as well as the checks and balances to maintain them in the context of Muslim civil society. This shari'ah construction of women can only grant the female person a deviant status, insufficient for the completion of her khilafah before Allah: the ultimate purpose of her humanity.
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95. Barazangi, supra n. 2.
96. Kelly Pemberton, personal e-mail communication with the author, Aug. 2007.
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98. I borrowed this idea from Razack, Sherene H., Casting Out: The Eviction of Muslims from Western Law and Politics 5 (U. Toronto 2008)Google Scholar, but I take an optimistic view of her argument. She argues that the stereotypical figures that came to represent the “war on terror” are promoted to justify “the expulsion of Muslims from the political community, a casting out that takes the form of stigmatization, surveillance, incarceration, abandonment, torture, and bombs.” I hope that by deconstructing the arguments about the exclusive use of civil law to assess Muslims attitudes, we will be able to help facilitate a change in the prevailing perspectives of Islam. Consequently, Muslims may renounce violence as a means to achieve justice when they are included in the development of their own and that of Western law and politics.
99. One should not forget that the environment in which early Hadith was documented was an adverse and violent one too.
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106. Afsaruddin, supra n. 99, at 15.
107. Id.
108. Afsaruddin states, “According to the Mu'tazli pro-Alid scholar, Ibn ˋl Hadid (d. 1257), the supporters of 'Ali were the first to put into circulation reports that praised his unique virtues immediately after the death of the Prophet.” Id. at 22.
109. Even when Asma Afsaruddin tries, in other parts of her book, The First Muslims, supra n. 99, at 73-74, to show the positive contribution of these early Muslim women to the community, her mention of 'Aisha, for example, was incidental to the issue of idealizing early companions at later sources.
110. Though I have not discussed domestic violence per se, I have discussed other perspectives that look at women as inferiors. See for example my discussion of minimizing the importance of women's participation in Friday congregation prayer in order to exclude them from public discussion of community affairs and to prevent them from playing their role of Khalifah, in Barazangi, supra n. 1, and my discussion of domestic affairs by proxy, Barazangi, supra n. 54.