This article considers the ways in which provincial elites in the Peruvian Andes of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries addressed the task of dismantling colonial institutions and relations. It draws on material from a municipal archive to trace how the land-for-labour ‘pact of reciprocity’ linking the town of Tarma both to the central state and to the indigenous hinterland was re-worked and eventually brought to an end. The contexts in which a postcolonial discourse of the Indian emerged are explored, and are understood as linked to struggles between local government and central state over the deployment of indigenous labour.

This article uses the 1931 strike by the Lima bakery workers' union as an optic through which to study the politicisation of industrial relations in the context of the emergence of populist politics in Peru. Faced with a loss of control over the bakery workforce and a hostile and ineffective system of collective bargaining, the union turned to an alternative strategy in its attempts to gain control over the workforce and the productive process. It presented itself as a bulwark against labour militancy and sought to establish political ties to the Sánchez Cerro government. Although the strategy was largely unsuccessful, this case study illustrates the extent to which Peruvian workers played an active role in the construction of populist politics in the 1930s.

Marked differences in mid-twentieth-century reformers' approaches to politically active working women in Belize and Puerto Rico help to explain the emergence of colonial hegemony in the latter, and the rise of mass nationalism in the former. Reformers in both colonies were concerned with working women, but whereas British and Belizean reformers treated them as sexually and politically disordered, and aimed to transform them from militant wage-earners to clients of state social services, US and Puerto Rican reformers treated them as voting citizens with legitimate roles in the economy and labour movement. Although racialised moralism was not absent in Puerto Rico, the populism of colonial reform there helped cement a renegotiated colonial compact, while the non-populist character of reform in Belize – and the wider British Caribbean – alienated working women from the colonial state.

The political life of Argentina between 1946 and 1955 cannot be defined exclusively by the emergence and consolidation of Peronism, but was also shaped by the actions, ideas and conflicts of opposition to it. The evolution of the Radical and Socialist parties during those years was marked both by their respective internal discrepancies and by the dynamics of confrontation with the government. In the face of Perón's emergence as a political figure, Radicals and Socialists revitalised inter-party agreements that had been tried and tested in previous years. The Radicals, their internal disagreements notwithstanding, were to become the main representatives of anti-Peronism their oppositional roles changing as the institutional spaces for conflict and engagement with Peronism developed. Meanwhile, the Socialists lost political and representational weight, despite their desperate attempts to maintain themselves as an option within the political arena. When the rules of political competition changed in Peronism's favour, Radicals and Socialists became convinced of the legitimacy of challenging the constitutional order in an attempt to increase the political representation of anti-Peronism.

This article analyses some of the difficulties of institutional modernisation based on a study of Brazilian port reform in the 1990s. It explains how and why Brazilian business managed to organise collective action for dramatic reform of the port structure and labour regime, but was unable to maintain the consensus to ensure full implementation. It emphasises how the formal rigidities and informal outcomes of the corporatist institutional structure hampered an efficient pace of modernisation. The analysis applies two complementary theoretical approaches, institutional analysis and the logic of collective action, to illuminate the evolution of Brazilian corporatism in the context of a more democratic society and open market economy.

This article utilises an ethnographic case study from Nicaragua to analyse people's everyday experiences of wartime violence and postwar privation. A great deal of literature dealing with political instability in war-torn countries has approached this issue by examining the societal manifestations of violence, while relatively less attention has been paid to people's everyday experiences of conflict and pain. This study focuses on the several waves of violence, displacement, and distress Nicaraguan people have suffered in recent years, beginning with their traumatic experiences of the civil war in the 1980s to the current postwar era characterised by political instability and socio-economic insecurity.