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Dynamics of Change in Chile: Explaining the Emergence of the 2006 Pingüino Movement

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 March 2013

SOFIA DONOSO
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Abstract

Focusing on the first large-scale protests in Chile after the reinstatement of democracy in 1990, this article examines the emergence of the 2006 Pingüino movement and shows how it succeeded in mobilising thousands of secondary school students against the neoliberal education model. It argues that several distinct but intertwined dimensions explain the movement's emergence. In 2006, secondary school student groups merged to form a single organisation and adopted a horizontal and participatory decision-making mechanism. At the same time, shortcomings in the education reforms of the 1980s and 1990s were revealed in terms of quality and equity, creating grievances that were fed into the movement's collective action frame. Finally, President Bachelet's rhetoric of a ‘government of citizens’ as an attempt to counteract the elitist nature of the Concertación's governance formula signified an opening of the structure of political opportunities that the students knew to take advantage of.

Spanish abstract

Centrándose en las protestas a gran escala en Chile tras el restablecimiento de la democracia en 1990, este artículo examina el surgimiento del movimiento Pingüino y muestra cómo logró movilizar a miles de estudiantes de secundaria en contra del modelo educativo neoliberal. El material señala que son varias dimensiones diferenciadas, aunque interconectadas, las que explican el surgimiento de dicho movimiento. En 2006 varias organizaciones estudiantiles de secundaria se fusionaron para formar un solo cuerpo y adoptaron un mecanismo participativo y horizontal de toma de decisiones. Al mismo tiempo, los problemas de las reformas educativas de los años 80 y 90 se hicieron evidentes en términos de calidad y equidad, lo que creó agravios que fueron enmarcados dentro de la acción colectiva del movimiento. Finalmente, la retórica de la presidente Bachelet sobre un ‘gobierno de ciudadanos’ como forma de contrarrestar el el elitismo de la fórmula gubernamental de la Concertación, dio a los estudiantes la posibilidad de ampliar la estructura de las oportunidades políticas.

Portuguese abstract

Centralizando nos primeiros protestos em grande escala no Chile após o restabelecimento da democracia em 1990, este artigo examina o surgimento do movimento Pingüino em 2006 e relata seu sucesso em mobilizar milhares de estudantes secundaristas contra o modelo de educação neo-liberal. Nele se argumenta como distintas porém inter-relacionadas dimensões explicam o surgimento do movimento. Em 2006 diferentes organizações de estudantes secundaristas fundiram-se para formar uma organização unificada, adotando assim um mecanismo participativo horizontal para a tomada de decisões. Ao mesmo tempo as deficiências em termos de qualidade e justiça nas reformas do sistema educacional dos anos oitenta e noventa vieram à tona, gerando insatisfações que alimentaram o modelo de atuação coletivo do movimento. Finalmente, a retórica da presidente Bachelet de um ‘governo de cidadãos’ como tentativa de contrapor a natureza elitista da fórmula de governança proposta pela Concertación permitiu aos estudantes a oportunidade de expandir a estrutura de possibilidades políticas.

Keywords

Chilesocial movementsstudentseducationcontentious politicsChilemovimientos socialesestudianteseducaciónpolíticas polémicasChilemovimentos sociaiseducaçãopolíticas controversas
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 45 , Issue 1 , February 2013 , pp. 1 - 29
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013

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References

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23 Interview with Mochilazo leader Úrsula Schüler, 3 Nov. 2011.

24 Ibid.

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26 ‘Rebelión de las mochilas: quiénes son los escolares que sacuden Santiago’, La Segunda, 12 April 2001.

27 The ‘emblematic schools’ are known for their demanding entry exams, their top education performance and for having instructed many prominent political leaders. A paradigmatic example is the Instituto Nacional in Santiago.

28 Interview with Úrsula Schüler.

29 Mochilazo is derived from mochila, which means ‘backpack’.

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32 Interview with Úrsula Schüler, Julio Reyes and Daniela Moraga.

33 Interviews with Pingüino movement leaders César Valenzuela, 15 Aug. 2009; and Karina Delfino, 5 Aug. 2009.

34 Interview with Víctor Orellana.

35 Interview with Julio Reyes.

36 With a few exceptions, all ministries have a SEREMI in each region to represent and implement the ministries' policies at the regional level. As was the case with the SEREMI of Education for the Metropolitan Region, the SEREMIs also often fulfil the task of solving conflicts that emerge in the region for which they are responsible.

37 Interview with 2005 sub-secretary of education Pedro Montt, 20 Aug. 2009.

38 Interviews with Pedro Montt and César Valenzuela; interview with education adviser José Weinstein, 18 Aug. 2009.

39 Interview with Alejandro Traverso, director of the SEREMI of Education, 27 Dec. 2011.

40 This resulted in the document ‘Propuesta de trabajo de estudiantes e la Región Metropolitana’ (2005), available at www.opech.cl/bibliografico/doc_movest/finalccaa.pdf.

41 Interview with 2006 Pingüino leader María Jesús Sanhueza, 28 July 2009.

42 Interviews with Marco Cuevas and Cristóbal Leiva, 2 and 3 Jan. 2011 respectively. Cuevas and Leiva worked at the SEREMI of Education in 2005 and were in charge of the dialogue platform.

43 Interview with Giorgio Boccardo, director of communications for the Federación de Estudiantes de la Universidad de Chile (Student Union of the University of Chile) in 2006 and president of the federation in 2007, 17 Aug. 2009.

44 Tarrow, Power in Movement, p. 2.

45 Interviews with María Jesús Sanhueza and Karina Delfino.

46 Ibid.

47 Interview with Pedro Montt.

48 Interview with Giorgio Boccardo.

49 Domedel and Peña y Lillo, El mayo de los pingüinos, p. 79.

50 ‘Lota: Violenta protesta estudiantil’, El Mercurio, 26 April 2006.

51 ‘Protesta estudiantil termina con 47 personas detenidas’, La Tercera, 27 April 2006.

52 Domedel and Peña y Lillo, El mayo de los pingüinos, p. 15.

53 Ibid., p. 24.

54 ‘¿Más que disturbios y protestas?, El Mercurio, 12 May 2006, quoted in Domedel and Peña y Lillo, El mayo de los pingüinos, p. 24.

55 Interview with Karina Delfino.

56 Interview with César Valenzuela.

57 ‘Negociación bajo presión’, El Mercurio, 30 May 2006.

58 Karina Delfino, quoted in Domedel and Peña y Lillo, El mayo de los pingüinos, p. 108.

59 Rose Kubal, Mary, ‘Challenging Consensus: The Politics of Protests and Policy Reform in Chile's Education System’, in Borzutzky, Silvia and Weeks, Gregory B. (eds.), The Bachelet Government: Conflict and Consensus in Post-Pinochet Chile (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2010), p. 118Google Scholar.

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61 Interview with César Valenzuela.

62 Interview with Giorgio Boccardo.

63 Interview with 2006 Pingüino leader Juan Carlos Herrera, 20 July 2009.

64 Here I am following the definition proposed in Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, ‘Introduction’, in McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (eds.), Comparative Perspectives, p. 6.

65 William Gamson and David S. Meyer, ‘Framing Political Opportunity’, in McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (eds.), Comparative Perspectives, p. 276.

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68 Cristián Cox, ‘Education Reform in Chile: Context, Content and Implementation’, Paper No. 8, Programa de Promoción de la Reforma Educativa en la América Latina occasional paper series (Aug. 1997), p. 3.

69 As will be explained later, this changed with the introduction of a co-financing scheme in 1993, through which subsidised private schools could start charging fees and still receive the voucher.

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74 Ministerio de Educación de Chile, ‘Indicadores de la educación en Chile 2003–2004’, p. 35, available at www.mineduc.cl/usuarios/mineduc/doc/200603301234090.indc_nacionales.pdf.

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78 Matear, ‘Equity in Education’, p. 104.

79 Ministerio de Educación de Chile, ‘Indicadores de educación en Chile 2006’, p. 29, available at w3app.mineduc.cl/mineduc/ded/documentos/Indicadores_2006_Capitulos_1_a_III.pdf.

80 Interview with Cristián Cox, senior policy-maker at the Ministry of Education during the 1990s, 28 Aug. 2009.

81 Ibid. Arguably, the exception to this was the introduction of the Estatuto Docente (Teachers' Statute) in 1991, which sought to centralise and improve teachers' working conditions. See Burton, Guy, ‘Hegemony and Frustration: Education Policy Making in Chile Under the Concertación, 1990–2010’, Latin American Perspectives, 39: 4 (2012), p. 39Google Scholar.

82 Cox, ‘Las políticas educacionales’, pp. 33–6. A key policy in this regard was the Programa de Mejoramiento de la Calidad y Equidad de la Educación (Secondary Education Quality and Equity Improvement Programme, MECE), which aimed at upgrading the material basis for learning and supporting the teachers in their work. It is important to note that while this programme followed an incremental approach, eventually the whole intended school population was reached.

83 Ibid., p. 39.

84 Alejandra Mizala, ‘La economía política de la reforma educacional’, Serie Estudios Socio/Económicos CIEPLAN (2007), p. 3.

85 Ministerio de Educación de Chile, ‘Indicadores 2006’, p. 39. Spending per student is still below the OECD average of 5.8 per cent as a share of GDP. Guy Burton, ‘Social Democracy in Latin America: Policymakers and Education Reform in Brazil and Chile’, unpubl. PhD diss., London School of Economics, 2009, p. 117.

86 Ibid., p. 60.

87 Ministerio de Educación de Chile, ‘Indicadores 2006’, p. 26. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and Organización para Estados Iberoamericanos (OEI), Metas educativas 2021: estudios de costo (Santiago: ECLAC/OEI, 2009), pp. 39–42.

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89 Departamento de Evaluación, Medición, y Registro Educacional, ‘Compendio estadístico proceso de admisión año académico 2006’, available at www.demre.cl/text/pdf/p2006/compendio2006.pdf.

90 Ibid.

91 María Huerta, quoted in Juan Eduardo García-Huidobro, ‘¿Qué nos dicen las movilizaciones estudiantiles del 2006 de la visión de los estudiantes sobre la educación secundaria?’ (2007), unpubl. paper, p. 6.

92 OECD and World Bank, Revisión de políticas, p. 47.

93 Interview with Karina Delfino.

94 Interviews with Karina Delfino and María Jesús Sanhueza.

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98 Sidney Tarrow, ‘States and Opportunities: The Political Structuring of Social Movements’, in McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (eds.), Comparative Perspectives, p. 54, emphasis added.

99 McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, p. 43.

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101 See Oxhorn, Philip D., Organizing Civil Society: The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in Chile (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), pp. 243–4Google Scholar; and Cavarozzi, Marcelo, ‘Patterns of Elite Negotiation and Confrontation in Argentina and Chile’, in Higley, John and Gunther, Richard (eds.), Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 208–36Google Scholar. For an overview of the institutional constraints faced by the Concertación governments, see Angell, Alan, Democracy after Pinochet: Politics, Parties and Elections in Chile (London: Institute for the Study of the Americas, 2007Google Scholar).

102 It is worth noting that 44 per cent of the population voted for General Pinochet to remain in power in the 1989 plebiscite that led Chile back to democracy.

103 Angell, Alan and Reig, Cristóbal, ‘Change or Continuity? The Chilean Elections of 2005/2006’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 25: 4 (2006), p. 496CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 This was abolished in 2005 during the presidency of Ricardo Lagos. Additionally, the president regained the power to appoint and remove the authorities of the different branches of the armed forces.

105 Silva, Patricio, ‘Doing Politics in a Depoliticised Society: Social Change and Political Deactivation in Chile’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 23: 1 (2004), p. 70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Muñoz, Oscar, El modelo económico de la Concertación 1990–2005 (Santiago: FLACSO, 2007)Google Scholar.

106 Hipsher, Patricia L., ‘Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain’, Comparative Politics, 28: 3 (April 1996), p. 274CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roberts, Deepening Democracy?, p. 120.

107 Bermeo, Nancy, ‘Democracy and the Lessons of Dictatorship’, Comparative Politics, 24: 3 (1992), p. 278CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roberts, Deepening Democracy?, pp. 98–105.

108 Silva, ‘Doing Politics in a Depoliticised Society’, p. 70.

109 Kenneth M. Roberts, ‘Chile: The Left after Neoliberalism’, in Levitsky and Roberts (eds.), The Resurgence, p. 325.

110 Siavelis, Peter M., ‘Enclaves de la transición y democracia chilena’, Revista de Ciencia Política, 29: 1 (2009), p. 16Google Scholar.

111 Another reason why the Concertación did not seek to introduce major changes to the economic model is that there was a dearth of alternative options. The Socialist Party, the principal left-wing force within the Concertación, had reassessed the possibilities of democracy but put much less effort into elaborating an economic alternative to neoliberalism. Roberts, Kenneth M., ‘Rethinking Economic Alternatives: Left Parties and the Articulation of Popular Demands in Chile and Peru’, in Chalmers, Douglas, Vilas, Carlos M., Hite, Katherine, Martin, Scott B., Piester, Kerianne and Segarra, Monique (eds.), The New Politics of Inequality: Rethinking Participation and Representation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 313Google Scholar.

112 Angell, Democracy after Pinochet, p. 193.

113 Kenneth M. Roberts, ‘Chile: The Left after Neoliberalism’, p. 325.

114 Ibid.

115 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Desarrollo humano en Chile. Nosotros los chilenos: un desafío cultural (Santiago: UNDP, 2002), p. 257Google Scholar.

116 Latinobarómetro Report 2005, p. 53.

117 Latinobarómetro Report 2006, p. 80.

118 Márquez, Rodrigo and Moreno, Carolina, ‘Desarrollo sin ciudadanos: el “modelo” chileno de los últimos veinte años’, in Calderón, Felipe (ed.), Ciudadanía y desarrollo humano (Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI Editores, 2006), p. 279Google Scholar. It should be clarified that voting has been conditioned to prior inscription, which arguably constitutes a disincentive for voting. This changed in December 2011, when automatic inscription was approved in Parliament.

119 For a useful discussion on the Chilean elite, see Joignant, Alfredo, ‘The Politics of Technopols: Resources, Political Competence and Collective Leadership in Chile, 1990–2010’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 43: 3 (2011), pp. 517–46Google Scholar.

120 Interview with Francisco Javier Díaz.

121 Valenzuela, Arturo and Dammert, Lucía, ‘A “Left Turn” in Latin America? Problems of Success in Chile’, Journal of Democracy, 17: 4 (2006), p. 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

122 Peter M. Siavelis, ‘What it Takes to Win and What it Takes to Govern: Michelle Bachelet and the Concertación’, in Borzutzky and Weeks (eds.), The Bachelet Government, pp. 27–49.

123 Quoted in García-Huidobro, ‘¿Qué nos dicen las movilizaciones estudiantiles?’, p. 14.

124 Interview with Karina Delfino.

125 William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, ‘Framing Political Opportunity’, in McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (eds.), Comparative Perspectives, p. 276.

126 See, for example, ‘Protesta estudiantil: mientras los escolares aparecen como los grandes ganadores, el gobierno se vio obligado a ceder y buscar una salida consistente con su sello “ciudadano” ’, La Tercera, 31 May 2006.

127 ‘Fuerza pública y vandalismo’, El Mercurio, 2 June 2006.

128 The Ministry General Secretariat of the Presidency is the equivalent to a president's chief of staff, i.e., it concentrates on advisory tasks and strategic planning. Interview with Francisco Javier Díaz.

129 ‘Zilic: “Si he cometido algún error, es no haber previsto la magnitud del tema”’, www.emol.cl, 13 June 2006, available at http://www.emol.com/noticias/nacional/2006/06/13/221921/zilic-si-he-cometido-algun-error-es-no-haber-previsto-la-magnitud-del-tema.html.

130 Interview with César Valenzuela.

131 ‘Conflicto estudiantil: Bachelet rectifica rumbo en medio del paro’, El Mercurio, 31 May 2006.

132 Ibid.

133 Interview with Francisco Javier Díaz.

134 McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (eds.), Comparative Perspectives, p. 8.

135 Elizabeth S. Clemens, ‘Organizational Form as a Frame: Collective Identity and Political Strategy in the American Labor Movement, 1880–1920’, in McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (eds.), Comparative Perspectives, p. 211.

136 Ibid.

137 Interview with Pedro Montt.

138 Interview with César Valenzuela.

139 Ibid.

140 Interview with Juan Carlos Herrera.

141 See for example ‘En jornada de violencia se transformó paro estudiantil: infiltrados ocasionaron desmanes y saqueos en el centro de Santiago’, Estrategia, 6 June 2006.

142 ‘El paro estudiantil’, Las Últimas Noticias, 6 June 2006.

143 Interview with Francisco Javier Díaz.

144 Interview with Pablo Orellana, 11 July 2009.

145 María Huerta, quoted in García-Huidobro, ‘¿Qué nos dicen las movilizaciones estudiantiles?’, p. 5.

146 Interviews with Juan Carlos Herrera and Pablo Orellana. Both students represented the Pingüino movement in the Commission.

147 For a discussion of the impact of the Pingüino movement on the education system, see Bellei, Cristián, Contreras, Dante and Pablo Valenzuela, Juan (eds.), Ecos de la revolución pingüina (Santiago: Pehuén Editores, 2010)Google Scholar.

148 Camilo Escalona (Socialist Party), president of the Senate, interviewed in ‘En la Concertación no comprendimos lo profundo de la crisis en el sistema educacional’, El Mercurio, 28 Nov. 2011.

149 Interview with Juan Carlos Herrera.

150 Silvia Borzutzky and Gregory B. Weeks, ‘Introduction’, in Borzutzky and Weeks (eds.), The Bachelet Government, p. 1.

151 Steven Levitsky and Kenneth M. Roberts, ‘Democracy, Development, and the Left’, in Levitsky and Roberts (eds.), The Resurgence, p. 425.

152 ‘Mayoría de federaciones universitarias desconfía del Congreso para solucionar conflicto’, El Mercurio, 12 Aug. 2011.