My interest in land reform started very early. In fact, my first executive appointment in the Government of Puerto Rico was in 1941, even before I left academic life, when I became a member of the first Board of Directors of the Land Authority of Puerto Rico, thus participating from the start in the land reform program of Puerto Rico. Back in 1940 when the present Government of Puerto Rico headed by Luis Muñoz Marín, our present Governor but at that time President of the Senate, took over the reins of government one of the first bills approved by our legislature was for a land tenure reform program in Puerto Rico.

Se alguém me indagasse qual seria o poeta mais representativo da moderna poesia brasileira, creio que mencionaria primeiro Carlos Drummond de Andrade, aínda que Manuel Bandeira também o seja, ao lado de outros como Cassiano Ricardo, Emílio Moura, Murilo Mendes, Lêdo Ivo, Mauro Mota, João Cabral de Melo Neto e Joaquim Cardozo. Mas a expressão poética, em nenhum dêsses autores, alcanca urna dimensão intelectual de fronteiras tão extensas quando em Jorge de Lima. Creio que sua poesía, sob certos aspectos, é mais importante do que a de Fernando Pessoa; e, entre os poetas de língua portuguêsa, talvez só encontre rival em Camões.

The Spanish attitude toward change and powerful resistance to it evolved from a number of sources. Some of these are shared with other nations, while some are peculiar to Spain. Two of the main streams of Western civilization, for example, were those represented by Athens and Sparta, and we sometimes forget that the latter has occasionally been cherished as much as the former. The Athenian tradition implies creativity and change, and it stresses freedom of thought and speech and action, and a hatred of tyrants. The Spartan code stresses duty, responsibility, discipline, and makes for a slow changing, uncreative society and an aristocratic government. These two attitudes toward life have had their opponents and adherents throughout the history of the West.

Today, Peru faces three essential problems: 1) the lack of geographical integration; 2) racial diversity and the failure of restratification among the social classes; and finally, 3) the rising tension generated by population growth and shifts. Within the context of these three problems may be evaluated the role of two “designs” for action — first, the Alliance for Progress and, second, the program of Peru's new government, which, while cooperating with the Alliance's program, is striving for independent, nationalistic action and finds itself confronting an exploding, revolutionary situation created by the masses of Indians unassimilated into the political culture.

Una de las características de los países de reducido ingreso real percapita es la alta proporción de la fuerza de trabajo ocupada en las actividades de tipo primario, la muy reducida proporción de ocupación en el sector industrial y la baja participación del empleo correspondiente a los servicios. En relación con esta mencionada característica varios economistas han puesto de manifiesto la marcada correlación estadística existente entre la distribución ocupacional y el desarrollo económico. Entre ellos se destacan Colin Clark, A. G. B. Fisher y Jean Fourastie, quienes han sostenido la tesis de que cuando la economía de un país pasa de la primitiva etapa agraria a un estadio urbano-industrial, la estructura del empleo sufre un cambio característico: la fuerza laboral pasa primero de las actividades primarias a las secundarias, y en una etapa posterior a las actividades de tipo terciario.

By Latin-American standards, Chile has enjoyed a remarkably stable government. Yet, there have been significant intervals of political unrest marked by violence and internal disorder. At both the beginning and the end of the nineteenth century, Liberals and Conservatives clashed in bloody battles, opening wounds that festered for many years. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the military revolted three times in the space of eight years (1924-1932) in order to promote social reform. Marmaduke Grove Vallejo figured prominently in these events, first as a participant in the January uprising of 1925, later as an opponent of the dictatorship of Carlos Ibáñez del Campo, and finally as a leader of the military forces that overthrew the government of Juan Esteban Montero Rodríguez and established the Socialist Republic of Chile.

El acontecimiento político más importante en América Latina durante el período entre las dos guerras mundiales fue el desarrollo de partidos indígeno-reformistas. Dedicados a la reconstrucción de la sociedad en Latinoamérica sobre una base más equitativa de lo que había sido la regla general en el pasado, estos partidos cambiaron considerablemente el complejo de la vida política latinoamericana. Los partidos populares que han logrado mayor estabilidad son aquellos que tratan de crear fórmulas políticas y formas de organización adaptables a las condiciones de América Latina. Prácticamente todos los partidos populares han llevado una existencia precaria, perseguidos por las tiranías militares que durante años han desgobernado a las naciones latinoamericanas. Sin embargo, los partidos populares han logrado estimular a nuevos elementos para que participen en la actividad política y muchos de estos partidos han asumido el poder en sus países durante períodos más o menos largos.

The fifteenth United Nations General Assembly was an exciting one. It met during the cold aftermath of the U-2 affair. It attracted the largest group of world leaders, including Castro, Tito, Nasser, Nehru, Sukarno, Nkrumah, Touré, and Khrushchev, ever to assemble at the UN site. It accelerated the “Africanization” of the UN by admitting during its first part 17 members, 16 from Africa. It was rocked, politically, militarily, and financially, by the Congo crisis, which led to the demand for the ouster of Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold and then to his death. It debated Cuban charges against the United States and the embarrassing Bay of Pigs invasion. In a lighter vein, it produced the first public banging of shoes on a UN table by a head of government.

Fixed attitudes toward literature in Latin America display a consistent tendency to become unfixed in relatively short order. This is particularly true in the case of fiction dealing with Indian themes.

During the 1930s and the following decade, a number of diverse factors coincided to encourage cultivation of this facet of the Latin-American novel, in a manner quite different from nineteenth-century romantics who had glorified and idealized a remote, unreal indigenous past. Mounting socio-economic pressures, newly-awakened political movements, a widespread national consciousness, strengthened among novelists by the successes of the criollista writers of the 1920's (Gallegos, Güiraldes, Rivera) — all combined to encourage concentration on the Indian as a social problem.

On May 7, 1532, the Consejo de Indias wrote to the King-Emperor Charles, the First of Spain, and Fifth of the Holy Roman Empire:

Gonzalo Hernández de Oviedo, resident of Hispaniola, has had the care and inclination to write of affairs of the Indies; he offers to carry forward his work if he is given some salary towards the expense of collecting material and maintaining a clerk. It appears appropriate that it be included in the Chronicle of Spain. He displays more ability than anyone over there. It would be well to order him to examine all those lands where he has not been and to send the reports to this Council in order that here they may be edited and incorporated in the Chronicle and he should be given an annual subsidy.