Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 October 2015
This article explains why historians of Latin America have been disinclined to engage with global history, and how global history has yet to successfully integrate Latin America into its debates. It analyses research patterns and identifies instances of parallel developments in the two fields, which have operated until recently in relative isolation from one another, shrouded and disconnected. It outlines a framework for engagement between Latin American history and global history, focusing particularly on the significant transformations of the understudied nineteenth century. It suggests that both global history and Latin American history will benefit from recognition of the existing work that has pioneered a path between the two, and from enhanced and sustained dialogue.
This article was originally presented as a keynote lecture to the University of Oxford Centre of Global History workshop on Latin America on 12 March 2014. I thank all of the participants for their suggestions for improvement. I acknowledge the insights of the editors and anonymous reviewers of the Journal of Global History, and the formational conversations that I have had with Paula Caffarena, Joanna Crow, Paulo Drinot, Andrew Ginger, Nicola Foote, Alan Knight, Su Lin Lewis, Chris Manias, Fernando Padilla Angulo, and Jonathan Saha, which have assisted me in articulating some of these thoughts.
1 See for example the 2013 campaign against the University of Oxford’s decision to freeze its Chair in Latin American History, http://paulodrinot.wordpress.com/2013/02/18/oxford-chair-in-the-history-of-latin-america-copy-of-letter-sent-to-professor-andrew-hamilton-vice-chancellor-university-of-oxford-on-15-february-2013/ (consulted 2 July 2015), signed by many historians of Latin America from around the world. For a rigorous overview, see Middel, Matias and Naumann, Katja, ‘Global history and the spatial turn: from the impact of area studies to the study of critical junctures of globalization’, Journal of Global History, 5, 1, 2010, pp. 149–170CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 On historians, their locations, and their readerships, see Kalela, Jorma, Making history: the historian and the uses of the past, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, pp. 40–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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6 Ibid.; Brown, Matthew, From frontiers to football: an alternative history of Latin America since 1800, London: Reaktion, 2014, pp. 87–91Google Scholar.
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11 Warner, Rick, ‘Introduction: bringing Latin America into world history’, World History Connected, 7, 3, 2010Google Scholar, paragraph 3. The 2014 conference of the World History Association was held in Costa Rica: http://www.thewha.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/WHA-Program-2014-final-1.pdf (consulted 2 July 2015); one of its themes was ‘Latin America in world history’.
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16 Another example of how new approaches can repeat the absences and omissions of previous imperial narratives can be found in Emma Rothschild’s work on the United Nations and world archives, in which the only engagement with Latin America is a handful of references to the existence of archives in Mexico. Rothschild, Emma, ‘The archives of universal history’, Journal of World History, 19, 3, 2008, pp. 375–401CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Compare this with the work of Latin Americanists, for example Molyneux, Maxine and Craske, Nikki, ‘The local, the regional and the global: transforming the politics of rights’, in Nikki Craske and Maxine Molyneux, eds., Gender and the politics of rights and democracy in Latin America, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002, pp. 5–14Google Scholar.
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24 Carmagnani, Marcello, The other west: Latin America from invasion to globalization, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2011Google Scholar.
25 This call follows the trajectory established by Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge and Seeman, Erik R., eds., The Atlantic in global history 1500–2000, Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson, 2007Google Scholar.
26 See, for example, Lázaro, Fabio López, The misfortunes of Alonso Ramírez: the true adventures of a Spanish American with 17th-century pirates, Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2011Google Scholar.
27 For a discussion of this historiographical trend, see Brown, Matthew and Paquette, Gabriel B., ‘Between the age of Atlantic Revolutions and the Axial Age’, in Matthew Brown and Gabriel B. Paquette, eds., Connections after colonialism: Europe and Latin America in the 1820s, Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 2013, pp. 6–10Google Scholar.
28 Dietschy, Paul, ‘Making football global? FIFA, Europe and the non-European football world, 1912–1974’, Journal of Global History, 8, 2, 2013, pp. 279–298CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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30 A similar observation might also be made for Itinerario, the International Journal on the History of European Expansion and Global Interaction, which focuses on 1500–1950.
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33 Annales mission statement, http://annales.ehess.fr (consulted accessed 15 July 2014).
34 For example, the special sections on ‘The West Indies and Europe in the eighteenth century’ and ‘Colonised memories’, Annales, 68, 1, 2013; Vidal, Cécile, ‘Pour une histoire globale du monde atlantique ou des histories connectés dans et au-delà du monde atlantique?’, Annales, 67, 2, 2012, pp. 391–413Google Scholar; Rosental, Paul-André, ‘Migration, sovereignty and social rights: protecting and expelling foreigners in Europe from the early 19th century to the present’, Annales, 66, 2, 2011, pp. 335–373Google Scholar; Safier, Neil, ‘Transforming the torrid zone: Enlightenment catalogues of nature in the tropics’, Annales, 66, 1, 2011, pp. 143–172Google Scholar.
35 A good example here is Thibaud, Clément, Entin, Gabriel, Gómez, Alejandro, Morelli, and Federica, , eds., L’Atlantique révolutionnaire: une perspective ibéro-américaine, Rennes: Les Perséides, 2013Google Scholar; also Ardila, Daniel Gutierrez, El reconocimiento de Colombia: diplomacia y propaganda en la coyuntura de las restauraciones (1819–1831), Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2012Google Scholar.
36 For example, Rinke, Stefan and Peters, Christina, eds., Global play: football between region, nation, and the world in Latin American, African, and European history, Stuttgart: Heinz, 2014Google Scholar. The full AHILA programme is available at http://www.lai.fu-berlin.de/es/ahila2014 (consulted 2 July 2015).
37 Verdesio, Gustavo, ‘Latin American subaltern studies revisited: is there life after the demise of the group?’, Dispositio/n, 52, 2005, p. 4Google Scholar. This was a special issue on the legacy of subaltern studies for Latin America, with many interesting contributions. It is worth noting that Verdesio’s introduction uses the word ‘history’ only once, and that in reference to the history of the Latin American Subaltern Studies group, not the history of Latin America. On the disconnect between world history and area studies in the US, explained by methodological and disciplinary approaches, see Manning, , Navigating world history, pp. 146–155Google Scholar.
38 Strasser, Ulrike and Tinsman, Heidi, ‘It’s a man’s world? World history meets the history of masculinity, in Latin American studies, for instance’, Journal of World History, 21, 1, 2010, pp. 75–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 76–82.
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42 This statement is based on a review of the publication lists of Keith Brewster, Rebecca Earle, Will Fowler, Nicola Miller, and Patience Schell, whom we might characterize as the second generation of historians of Latin America in the UK. An exception is Alejandra Irigoin, who has published in both JGH and JWH: Grafe, Regina and Irigoin, Maria Alejandra, ‘The Spanish empire and its legacy: fiscal redistribution and political conflict in colonial and post-colonial Spanish America’, Journal of Global History, 1, 2006, pp. 241–267CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Irigoin, Alejandra, ‘The end of a silver era: the consequences of the breakdown of the Spanish peso standard in China and the United States, 1780s–1850s’, Journal of World History, 20, 2, 2009, pp. 207–244CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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45 One example comes from the Universidad de Chile, according to http://www.filosofia.uchile.cl/ciencias-historicas (consulted 2 July 2015).
46 On Freyre’s global influence see Pallares-Burke, Maria Lucia G. and Burke, Peter, Gilberto Freyre: social theory in the tropics, Oxford: Peter Lang, 2008Google Scholar.
47 See, for example, the tables of contents of Historia y Sociedad, published in Medellin, Colombia: http://www.revistas.unal.edu.co/index.php/hisysoc/issue/archive (consulted 2 July 2015). Issue 27 (2014) contains articles on the histories of Colombia, Argentina, Germany, and Chile, though none of these could be thought of as ‘global histories’.
48 Vengoa, Hugo Fazio, Cambio de paradigma: de la globalización a la historia global, Bogotá: CESO–Uniandes, 2007Google Scholar; Vengoa, Hugo Fazio, ‘La historia global y su conveniencia para el estudio del pasado y del presente’, Historia Critica, 33, 2009, pp. 300–319Google Scholar.
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54 Google Scholar Citation search on ‘Catherine LeGrand living in Macondo’ (consulted 14 July 2014). A possible exception is Lipman, Jana, Guantanamo: working-class history between empire and revolution, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2008CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which might be considered global history at a push.
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104 Manning, , Navigating world history, pp. 154–155Google Scholar. These conclusions echo Manning’s call for historians to ‘go out to encounter the world they worry about’ (p. 162).
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