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The University of St. Andrews and the Great Schism, 1410–14191

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 March 2011

R. Swanson
R. Swanson
Affiliation:
Research Student, Christ's College, University of Cambridge
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Extract

Of the many testimonials to the importance of the role assumed by the European universities in the political and ecclesiastical machinations which accompanied attempts to find a solution to the problems created by the elections of the rival popes Urban VI and Clement VII in 1378, there is none more striking than the tract written by Boniface Ferrer (brother of the saint) in 1411, after the Council of Pisa in 1409 had declared both the then rivals deposed, and had replaced them by Alexander v. This tract, intended as a defence of the Avignonese claimant, Benedict XIII is an extremely bitter attack on the academics of the day, both individually and generally. Several of them are singled out for criticism, especially those who had taken a major part in producing the conciliarist viewpoint. Thus, Simon de Cramaud, patriarch of Alexandria and acting president of the Council of Pisa for most of its sessions, is twice called an heresiarch. Many of the other major thinkers of the day have their integrity attacked, notably Pierre d'Ailly, bishop of Cambrai, and Baldus de Ubaldis, one of the major lawyers of the period.

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Articles
Information
The Journal of Ecclesiastical History , Volume 26 , Issue 3 , July 1975 , pp. 223 - 245
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1975

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References

page 223 note 2 Printed in Martène, E. and Durand, U., Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum, Paris 1717, facsimile reprint Farnborough 1968–9, ii. 1435–1532.Google Scholar

page 223 note 3 Ibid., 1453, 1521.

page 223 note 4 Ibid., 1447–8, 1464–5. See also L. Salembier, Le Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly, Tourcoing 1932. 255–6.

page 223 note 5 Martène and Durand, op. cit., ii. 1469, 1472. See also Ullmann, W., The Origins of the Great Schism, London 1948, 146–7.Google Scholar

page 224 note 1 On the role of the universities, the late E. F. Jacob rightly states, in his Essays in the Conciliar Epoch, 2nd. ed., Manchester, 1953, 3–4: ‘It was the Sacred College, not the Universities or even the secular princes, that eventually brought the Councils of Pisa and Constance together …’. The conciliarist viewpoint was most succinctly expressed by Cardinal Zabarella in his tract on the schism written shortly before the Council of Pisa: ‘Debet incipere haec subtractio ab ijs ad quos pertinet, ut à collegio Cardinalium, et sic attendimus initium, quia non licet priuatus per seditionem ab obedientia desistere’: S. Schard, De Iurisdictione, Autoritate, et Praeeminentia Imperiali, Basel 1566, 702. See also Ullmann, op. cit., 228–9.

page 224 note 2 Some foundations were decidedly ephemeral, such as Ferrara, Buda, Erfurt (1379 foundation) and Turin. See Rashdall, H., The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Powicke, F. M. and Emden, A. B., Oxford 1936, ii. 54Google Scholar, 56, 248, 295. Others experienced considerable fluctuations in their fortunes. At Florence the Signoria cut off all funds during the period 1407–13: Brucker, G., ‘Florence and its University, 1378–1434’, in Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe, ed. Rabb, T. K. and Seigel, J. E., Princeton 1969, 223–4 and n 12.Google Scholar

page 224 note 3 Notably those of Spain. In 1402, when dealing with the university of Perpignan, Martin I of Aragon laid claim to total control of all universities within his dominions: Zúniga, C. M. Ajo G. y Sáinz de, Historia de las Universidades Hispánicas, Madrid 1957, i. 403Google Scholar and document XCIV at 515–6. In Castille in 1411, the Regents for king John II ordered a thorough examination of the new statutes granted by Benedict XIII to the university of Salamanca, and refused to admit those which they considered prejudicial to the royal prerogatives: ibid., i. 339–40 and document CVI at 527–9. The period of the Great Schism is one during which there are constant attempts by ecclesiastical and secular authorities to expand their control and jurisdiction over the universities. This process is apparent throughout Europe, both parties being naturally anxious to acquire control of institutions which were obviously of considerable potential propaganda importance.

page 224 note 4 Chaloupecký, V., The Caroline University of Prague: its Foundation, Character and Development in the Fourteenth Century, Prague 1948, 94–110.Google Scholar

page 224 note 5 These are too many to list, but include the scandal of Jean Blanchard's corrupt use of the chancellorship, and the struggle within the English Nation between the Clementists and the Urbanists. See generally Denifle, H. and Chatelain, E., Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, Paris 1889–1897, iii.Google Scholar and iv., and also the Liber Procuratorum Nationis Anglicane (Almannie) in Universitate Parisiensi (vols. i–iii of Auctarium Chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. Denifle, H. and Chatelain, E., 2nd. ed., Paris 1935–1937) ii. and iii. under appropriate years.Google Scholar

page 224 note 6 Especially the conflict between Paris and Toulouse in the early fifteenth century over the latter's attitudes towards the schism. See Astre, F., ‘L'Université de Toulouse devant le Parlement de Paris en 1406’, in Memoires de l'Academie Impériale des Sciences, Inscriptions, et Belles-Lettres de Toulouse, 7th Series, I (1869), 109–24.Google Scholar

page 225 note 1 This is best treated in Coville, A., Jean Petit: la Question du Tyrannicide au Commencement du XVe Siècle, Paris 1932.Google Scholar

page 225 note 2 Valois, N., La France et le grand schisme d'Occident, Paris 1896–1902, iv. 199–436 passim.Google Scholar

page 225 note 3 Besides St. Andrews, Benedict XIII also tried to establish a university at Turin, which rapidly collapsed (Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, i. 56; Vallauri, T., Storia delle Università degli Studi del Piemonte, Turin 1845, i. 46–8).Google Scholar An attempt to establish a university at Calatydd also failed (Rashdall, op. cit., ii. 330; Ajo G. y Sáinz de Zúniga, Historia de las Universidades Hispánicas, i. 295).

page 225 note 4 See below, 227.

page 225 note 5 Rashdall, op. cit., iii. 57–8.

page 225 note 6 Kirkpatrick, J., ‘The Scottish Nation in the University of Orleans, 1336–1538’ in Miscellany of the Scottish Record Society ii, Edinburgh 1904, 47–102.Google Scholar

page 225 note 7 See below, 228.

page 225 note 8 Printed in Anderson, J. M., ‘James I of Scotland and the University of St. Andrews’ in Scottish Historical Review (hereafter cited as SHR), III (1906), 313–4.Google Scholar A virtual transcript of the petition, although with several minor differences, is contained in the bull of Benedict XIII confirming the foundation, and printed in Evidence Oral and Documentary taken and received by the Commissioners appointed … for visiting the Universities of Scotland, iii: the University of St. Andrews, London 1837 (hereafter cited as Evidences), 171–2.Google Scholar

page 226 note 1 Anderson, art. cit., 304, 306, 308–14.

page 226 note 2 The only complete history of St. Andrews of recent date is Cant, R. G., The University of St. Andrews: a short history, Edinburgh 1946Google Scholar, revised ed. Edinburgh 1970, which is no more than its title claims to be. Luckily there is a good essay on the university during the schism by Anderson, J. M., ‘The Beginnings of St. Andrews University 1410–1418’ (hereafter cited as BStA) in SHR, VIII (1910–1911), 225–48Google Scholar and 333–60. Of the early university records, very little survives. The foundation bulls of Benedict XIII are in Evidences; while the Acts of the Faculty of Arts are the other main survivor (Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Sanctiandree 1413–1588, ed. Dunlop, A. I., Edinburgh 1964)Google Scholar, although even these are of limited use. The Early Records of the University of St. Andrews 1413–1479, ed. Anderson, J. M., Edinburgh 1926Google Scholar, adds nothing. Fortunately, there are other sources which supplement the rather narrow picture presented by these documents. From Scotland these include the letter book of James of Haldenston, edited by Baxter, J. H., and published as Copiale Prioratus Sanctiandree, Edinburgh 1930Google Scholar (hereafter cited as Copiale); and Bower's continuation of Fordun's chronicle (Foannis de Fordun Scotichronicon cum Supplementis ac Continuatione Walleri Boweri … curd Walteri Goodall, Edinburgh 1749Google Scholar, hereafter cited as Scot—references to vol. ii only). The papal archives are also revealing, as edited by Bliss, W. H., Calendar of Entries in Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Letters, VI, 1404–1415, and vii, 1417–31, London, 1904–1906Google Scholar, and Petitions, i, 1342–1419, London 1896 (these will hereafter be cited respectively as CPR(L) and CPR(P)). The Scottish petitions after the election of Martin v have been edited, translated, and printed in full by Lindsay, E. R. and Cameron, A. I., Calendar of Scottish Supplications to Rome, 1418–1422, Edinburgh 1934Google Scholar (hereafter cited as CSSR). Since this paper was originally prepared, a new history of later medieval Scotland has appeared, Nicholson, R., Scotland, The Later Middle Ages, Edinburgh 1974. This gives a very good summary of the history of the university during this period, 241–6.Google Scholar

page 226 note 3 Scot., 445.

page 227 note 1 BStA., 229: ‘As Scots disregarded the decision of the Council … Scottish students … could be deemed schismatics, and the need for a University at home would at once become a matter of extreme urgency’. Also Steuart, A. F., ‘Scotland and the Papacy during the Great Schism’, SHR, IV (1906), 150: ‘In 1410 Bishop Wardlaw … seeing the sad plight of the Scottish students—schismatics—at the foreign universities … founded … the first University in Scotland.’Google Scholar

page 227 note 2 BStA., 313; Evidences, 171.

page 227 note 3 Evidences, 176.

page 227 note 4 Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews 1413–1479, 2; Dunlop, Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Sanctiandree, 1413–1588, i, 1. The men concerned are also listed in Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to 1500, Oxford 1957–1959, ii. 1200 and 1924.Google Scholar He has no additional information on them, having used Early Records … as his source. It is a frequent difficulty with the Scots at the English universities that the evidence for their presence is very sketchy. For several, the sole evidence is the grant of a licence to study at one or other of the universities, but exactly which they attended it is often impossible to tell.

page 227 note 5 Steuart, art. cit., 147; Perroy, E., L'Angelterre et le grand schisme d'accident, Paris 1933, 70.Google Scholar The letter of Richard II to the chancellor of Oxford granting the protection is printed in Rotuli Scotiae, ii, London 1819, 45b–46a, and in Salter, H. E., Pantin, W. A., and Richardson, H. G. (eds), Formularies which bear on the history of Oxford, c. 1204–1420, Oxford, 1942, i. 249–50.Google Scholar

page 228 note 1 CRR.(P), 570.

page 228 note 2 For example, the rotuli of 1379 and 1403 in Denifle and Chatelain, Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, iii. 269; iv. 109.

page 228 note 3 Denifle and Chatelain, Auctarium Charlularii Universitatis Parisiensis, i. 864–5.

page 228 note 4 See above, 227 n. 4.

page 228 note 5 Petition of Walter Stewart, ‘bachelor of canon law and student of the same at Avignon’, CPR(P), 610, 612.

page 228 note 6 See the list of proctors in Denifle and Chatelain, Auctarium Charlularii …, ii. 989–991.

page 228 note 7 CPR(P), 606.

page 228 note 8 Ibid., 604.

page 228 note 9 Ibid., 599.

page 228 note 10 For his career see BStA, 245. That he went to Paris in 1414 appears from CPR(L), vii, 92, where in 1418 he states that he had ‘studied theology for four years’.

page 229 note 1 H. Finke, Acta Concilii Constanciensis, i, Münster 1896, 351; BStA., 349.

page 229 note 2 As suggested by Balfour-Melville, E. W. M., James I, King of Scots, London 1936, 69Google Scholar: ‘The position of the Scottish students was now becoming so difficult … that in September Benedict authorised Bishop Wardlaw of St. Andrews to confer degrees upon them.’

page 229 note 3 Denifle and Chatelain, Chartularium …, iii. 304–9, 584, 587; and their Auctarium Chartularii …, i. 618–9, 625, 629–30, 632.

page 229 note 4 E. Winkelmann, Urkundenbuch der Universität Heidelberg, Heidelberg 1886, ii. nos. 34–5.

page 229 note 5 Denifle and Chatelain, Chartularium …, iii. 593–4.

page 229 note 6 Finke, op. cit., i. 349.

page 229 note 7 BStA., 239.

page 229 note 8 Ibid.

page 230 note 1 Evidences, 173.

page 230 note 2 Such was the case with John of Austria, envoy of Paris University in 1414. The safe-conducts for him and for a papal envoy to pass through to Scotland, both dated 6 August 1414, are in T. Rymer, Fœdera, iv, Haag 1745, facsimile reprint Farnborough 1967, 87.

page 230 note 3 Valois, La France et le grand schisme d'occident, iii. 388–9.

page 231 note 1 For his career see BStA., 230–2; Emden, op. cit., iii. 1983–4.

page 231 note 2 For his career BStA., 235–40.

page 231 note 3 D. E. R. Watt, Fasti Ecclesiae Scoticane Medii Aevi, 2nd draft, Edinburgh 1969, 306.

page 231 note 4 BStA., 241.

page 231 note 5 For his career, ibid., 245–6.

page 231 note 6 Watt, op. cit., 311.

page 231 note 7 Ibid.

page 231 note 8 For his career, BStA., 241.

page 231 note 9 Ibid., 232.

page 231 note 10 Watt, op. cit, 311.

page 231 note 11 BStA., 336–7. See also their individual entries in Emden, op. cit., i. 327–8, 1604; ii. 1267–8. The signatories of the petition, including some of those here named, were not all members of the St. Andrews chapter. Butill, for example, was at the time archdeacon of Galloway (Watt, op. cit., 136–7), and possibly also provost of the collegiate church at Maybole (ibid., 366).

page 231 note 12 BStA., 233.

13 Dunlop, Acta Facultatis Artium …, i. 3, 7, 10.

14 Thus, the statement by Benedict XIII to the Parisian envoys in 1395, that he would act on the advice of the Avignonese doctors, ‘quos super clericos mundi universos credebat sciencis et consilio pollere’: Chronique du Réligieux de St. Denys, ed. L. F. Bellaguet, Paris 1839–52, ii. 281–2. The university suffered during the French occupation of Avignon, being forced to lend money to the forces besieging the pope: Valois, La France et le grand schisme …, iii. 196 n. 2.

16 See above, 228 and n. 3.

page 232 note 1 CPR(P), 627.

page 232 note 2 Fournier, M., Les Statuts el Privilèges des Universités de France, Paris 1890–1894, ii. 331 and 343.Google Scholar

page 232 note 3 BStA., 232.

page 232 note 4 The succession to the see of St. Andrews during the schism is extremely complex. In the Avignonese line, Walter Trail was appointed successor to William de Ladellis (d. 23 September 1385), but died in 1401 without having received papal confirmation. There then followed a conflict between pope and chapter over a successor, the former being anxious to retain the provision, while the chapter sought a free election. In rapid succession they elected Thomas Stewart, Walter Danielston, and Gilbert Greenlaw. Danielston died; Stewart resigned, apparently after signs of papal disapproval of his original acceptance of the election; while the procedure for the translation of Greenlaw from Aberdeen was never completed. The rapidity of Wardlaw's consecration, between 21 September and 4 October, suggests that he was at least near to Benedict at the time of his nomination, a situation not surprising for the nephew of a late cardinal. On the succession to St. Andrews see also Watt, op. cit., 294–5.

page 232 note 5 Scot., 445. The chronicler merely states that the university ‘incepit … tempore Henrici de Wardlaw episcopi et Jacobi Bisset Prioris’.

page 232 note 6 A transcript appears in Evidences, 173–4, in the papal bull confirming the privileges.

page 232 note 7 Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, i. 8–13.

page 232 note 8 Scot., 445–6.

page 233 note 1 Evidences, 171–6.

page 233 note 2 V. Laval, Cartulaire de l'Université d'Avignon, Avignon 1884, nos. XII–XXI; Fournier, Statuts et Privilèges des Universités de France, ii. nos. 1282–90. It is not unlikely that these bulls of John XXIII should, in fact, be considered as akin to a refoundation. The strong Spanish element had been driven out when the Comtat had transferred to the Pisan line in 1411, and this, together with the removal of the papal court to Italy, probably resulted, in a considerable reduction in academic activity.

page 233 note 3 H. Denifle and F. Ehrle, Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte vii, Freiburg-im-Breisgau 1900, 681.

page 233 note 4 See above 225 n. 3.

page 233 note 5 In this respect the bull of Benedict XIII should perhaps be seen as the St. Andrews equivalent of the bull granted to Cambridge by John XXII in 1317, although with the major difference that the latter is so phrased as to make it obvious that it is more of a confirmation than a foundation. See Cobban, A. B., ‘Edward II, Pope John XXII, and the University of Cambridge’ in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, XLVII (1964–1965), 49–78 (the bull is printed, 77–8).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 234 note 1 A. Moreira de Sá: Chartularium Universitatis Portugalensis, 1288–1537, Lisbon 1966–, ii, no. 352.

page 234 note 2 Codex Diplomaticus Universitatis Studii Generalis Cracoviensis, Cracow 1870–1910, i. nos. XIX, XXII, XXXIII.

page 235 note 1 Winkelmann, Urkundenbuch der Universität Heidelberg, i, nos. 4–9.

page 235 note 2 Ibid., nos. 2, 4, 26.

page 235 note 3 Codex Diplomaticus … Cracoviensis, i, nos. XIX, XX.

page 235 note 4 Ibid., nos. XXI, XXII.

page 235 note 5 Ibid., nos. XLVI, XLVII. There is a strong implication that there were other royal charters which have not survived.

page 235 note 6 See the comment of Valois on the foundation of Erfurt, La France et le grand schisme, i. 278; also Ritter, G., Studien zur Spätscholastik I, Marsilius von Inghen und die okkamistische Schule in Deutschland, Heidelberg 1921, 35.Google Scholar The schism, which caused the exile of many German masters from Paris, was a major factor in the spread of universities within the Empire during this period.

page 235 note 7 See Kozlowska-Budkowa, Z., ‘La Fondation de l'Université de Cracovie en 1364, et son role dans le Développement de la Civilisation en Pologne’ and B. Kürbis, ‘Une Université manquée: Chelmo entre le XIVe et XVIe Siècle’, both in S. Stelling-Michaud and others, Les Universités Européennes du XIVe au XVIIIe Siècle, Geneva 1967, 23–4 and 134.Google Scholar

page 235 note 8 In the case of Turin, the most notable aspect of the foundation bull of Benedict XIII is its date: at Marseilles on 27 November 1407; in other words immediately prior to his proposed expedition to Italy, and at a time when it was most vital for him to safeguard his line of retreat by making arrangements with the local princes. The circumstances of the foundation of Aix-en-Provence also reveal political overtones. It seems more than just coincidence that Alexander v should have made the grant of a university almost immediately after appointing Louis II of Anjou as Gonfalonier of the Church, and confirming his rights to Naples (Valois, op. cit., iv. 120). The fact that Louis did not issue his own charter to the proposed foundation until four years later (Fournier, op. cit, iii. no. 1578) possibly indicates just how much this was a papal concession.

page 236 note 1 BStA., 351.

page 236 note 2 Copiale, 9.

page 236 note 3 Ibid., 248–56.

page 236 note 4 See the biographical entry for Thomas Butill in Emden, Biographical Register of … Oxford, i. 327–8.

page 236 note 5 Rotuli Scotiae, ii. 219a. This presumably had some connexion with the latest round of negotiations intended to secure the release of James 1.

page 236 note 6 CPR(L), vii. 154.

page 236 note 7 Hannay, R. K., ‘A Chapter Election at St. Andrews in 1417’, SHR, XIII (1916–1917), 327Google Scholar: ‘If … [he] … was sent to Martin V chronology demands that this statement should be interpreted in the sense that he was not sent to Benedict XIII but to await anticipated action by the Council of Constance’.

page 237 note 1 Ibid., 324.

page 237 note 2 Copiale, 15.

page 237 note 3 CPR(L), vii, 63; CSSR, 4–6.

page 237 note 4 CPR(P), 609.

page 237 note 5 Copiale, 28–9.

page 237 note 6 CPR(P), 162. The position of Wardlaw is made all the more obscure by the letter of December 1417 (Copiale, 20–22) which appears to be from him to one of the popes, announcing Haldenston's election as prior of St. Andrews and stating his and the university's zeal for union.

page 238 note 1 The privileges which were granted to Wardlaw in August 1419 were the results of a petition sent to Martin v immediately after the transfer of obedience.

page 238 note 2 CSSR, 3, 8, 13–16.

page 238 note 3 CPR(L), vii. 102: petition of Donald Macnachtane to Martin v.

page 238 note 4 CSSR, 2–3. Supplications that benefices be found for George and Andrew, students, sons of Sir Robert de Keith.

page 238 note 5 Haldenston claimed to have made several speeches on behalf of Martin v. Perhaps the best indication of a debate is Bower's statement that Hardyng's speeches were of the sort ‘contra quern totam universitatem insurgebat’ (Scot., 445).

page 238 note 6 Copiale, 18–20.

page 238 note 7 Ibid, 27–8 and appropriate notes.

page 238 note 8 Ibid., 115.

page 238 note 9 Printed as Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Sanctiandee, 1413–1588, ed. Dunlop, A. I., Edinburgh 1964.Google Scholar

page 238 note 10 Ibid., i. 12–13.

page 238 note 11 Ibid., i. 12.

page 238 note 12 Ibid.

page 239 note 1 The only chroniclers to record this meeting seem to be Bower and his followers. There are occasional references in Copiale and in the Ada of the artists.

page 239 note 2 Scot., 450.

page 239 note 3 Implied in Copiale, 3.

page 239 note 4 Despite the claims of Balfour-Melville, James I, King of Scots, 74 and n., that ‘The University had already made sure that Martin would confirm Benedict's bulls of foundation’ and that ‘These concessions were probably the price promised for Wardlaw's support of Martin’. The unanimity which is assumed in these statements is directly contradicted by the records of the faculty of arts; and further evidence is possibly contained in the fact that none of the original masters of the university seem to appear among the debaters, while Laurence of Lindores was apparently failing to harry Hardyng as much as the conciliarists wished. Moreover, it seems to me that these statements are based on a misinterpretation of the petitions to Martin v printed in CSSR, 107–9. Although some clauses of this refer to the university, the document is essentially a private petition by Wardlaw, containing no evidence of any official university involvement.

page 239 note 5 Balfour-Melville, op. cit., 74.

page 239 note 6 As in the case of Roger de Edinburgh, CPR(P), 599.

page 239 note 7 See Haldenston's report of his speeches, Copiale, 3.

page 239 note 8 Scot., 451.

page 239 note 9 Copiale, 3.

page 240 note 1 The papal bull of condemnation was issued in July 1419, even before the official Scottish submission had been received. It is printed at BStA., 358–9.

page 240 note 2 This concern had been expressed in the faculty of arts in June 1417, when it was ordered that all inceptors were in future to take an oath against Lollardy: Dunlop, op. cit., i. 11–12.

page 240 note 3 The articles as a whole are contained in Martin v's bull (BStA., 359), and in Scot., 450 (with minor variations). Article I: ‘Si Benedictus cederat, daret occasionem suis subditis eterne dampnationis’.

page 240 note 4 Article 2: ‘Secundum justum juris ordinem, prius debet fieri restitucio Benedicto quam ipse teneatur cedere’.

page 240 note 5 Article 7: ‘Quamdiu Johannes vivit incarceratus non erit unio in Ecclesia Dei sine suspicione’.

page 240 note 6 Article 5: ‘Damnavit Concilium Constanciense, et quod ibi existentes non potuerint facere unionem in ecclesia Dei’.

page 240 note 7 Article 9: ‘Soli illi de obediencia Benedicti sunt catholici et omnes alii scismatici et heretici’.

page 240 note 8 Article 10: ‘Quod Benedictus non fuit negligens quoad illa quae respiciunt unionem ecclesiae, nec in concilio Constantiensi, nec tempore praecedenti’.

page 240 note 9 Bower's statement is suitably ambiguous, but the differences between the versions of the articles against Hardyng are significant. The version in Scot., with its interpolations, probably represents the decisions of the theologians. The pursuit of Hardyng continued even after the receipt of the papal bull of condemnation in the late summer of 1419, and was ended only by his (undated) death: BStA., 355; Scot., 451.

page 240 note 10 Article 6: ‘Aliqui de regno Scotie, prevenientes suos fratres, Martino obedientes, sunt filii diaboli et viperis similes; et sequitur similes assercio quod illi qui receperunt beneficia a Benedicto, postea adherentes Martino, sunt similes scorpionibus et hoc secundum duplicem proprietatem’.

page 242 note 1 He referred to Hardyng as ‘successor … dicti Jacobi’.

page 243 note 1 BStA., 359–60.

page 243 note 2 CPR(L), vii. 104; Copiale, 28–9 also possibly hints at contacts.

page 243 note 3 Copiale, 28–9; CPR(L), vii. 104.

page 243 note 4 CSSR, 107–9.

page 243 note 5 See above, 239 n. 4.

page 243 note 6 CSSR, 108–9: ‘Lately Pope Benedict XIII founded in the city of ST. ANDREWS in Scotland a university (studium generale) in theology, canon and civil law and the liberal arts, and granted privileges, liberties and immunities to those studying, reading and ruling there and to their officials and household (familie); also he and the university (universitas dicti studii) made and enacted not a few wise and useful statutes and ordinances for the rule of it and of the regents, readers and students; therefore the King, Bishop, clergy, nobles and people of the said city supplicate that Pope Martin would confirm and ratify the institutions, ordinances, grants, privileges, liberties, immunities, statutes and all other things done and ordained by apostolic or ordinary authority, also all the privileges, indults, liberties and immunities granted by the king and citizens’.

page 243 note 7 I.e., Odo de Colonna (= Martin v). It was the custom for popes to sign such supplications with an initial taken from their pre-pontifical names. See Katterbach, B., Specimina Supplicationum ex Registris Vaticanis, Rome 1927, ix–x.Google Scholar I have also to thank Prof. L. E. Boyle, of the Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, Toronto, for clarifying this point for me.

page 244 note 1 Vallauri, Storia delle Università degli Studi del Piemonte, i. 48; Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ii. 56.

page 244 note 2 Rashdall, op. cit., ii. 195–6; Gabriel, A. L., The Mediaeval Universities of Pecs and Pozsony, Frankfurt-am-Main 1969, 37.Google Scholar

page 244 note 3 Rashdall, op. cit., ii. 248.

page 244 note 4 This is confirmed by the nature of the bulls themselves, which make no mention of any grants by earlier popes, being framed just like any other foundation bull.

page 244 note 5 Watt, D. E. R., ‘University Clerks and Rolls of Petitions for Benefices’, Speculum, XXXIV (1959), 223–4.Google Scholar

page 244 note 6 Fournier, Statuts et Privilèges des Universités de France, i. 631; ii. 563; iii. 459.

page 244 note 7 Ibid., iii. 475.

page 244 note 8 Martène and Durand, Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum, ii. 1698: Letter of the University of Cologne to its representatives at Constance enclosing copies of the privileges which they wished Martin v to confirm.

page 245 note 1 CSSR, 109.

page 245 note 2 Anderson, J. M., ‘James I and the University of St. Andrews’, SHR, III (1906), 308–10, 314.Google Scholar