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Crisis, Liturgy and the Crusade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 February 2009

Christoph T. Maier
Christoph T. Maier
Affiliation:
Lothringerstrasse 36, CH-4056 Basel, Switzerland
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Extract

The First Crusade has been described as a ‘church in procession’ and a ‘military monastery on the move’. The progress of the first crusading armies to the Holy Land was indeed accompanied by regular liturgical practices, acts of devotion and intercessory rites. Before each battle and during sieges the crusaders fasted, prayed, celebrated mass and confessed their sins. They went in processions and sang psalms. This wealth of liturgical practices reported by contemporary commentators provided the rhythm to the crusaders' pilgrimage to Jerusalem and marked the sacred character of their undertaking. At the same time, the liturgy was a rallying point for the crusaders' identity: it represented and reinforced the special relationship between the milites Christi and their God, and gave expression to the spirituality and the ethos of the holy warrior. The crusaders' earnest participation in the liturgy of pilgrimage and holy war no doubt contributed to the image, already observed by contemporaries, of the crusade as a vehicle of piety and a means of salvation parallel to the vocation of the monastic life, which was traditionally considered the highest form of religious devotion.

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The Journal of Ecclesiastical History , Volume 48 , Issue 4 , October 1997 , pp. 628 - 657
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1997

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References

MGH = Monumenta Germaniae historica; RHGF = Receuil des historiens des Gaules et de la France; RS = Rolls Series

I should like to thank Cathy Aitken, Nicole Bériou, Claire Dutton and Jonathan Riley-Smith for their comments and advice in preparing this article. I am particularly grateful to Claire Dutton who allowed me to consult part of her unpublished University of London PhD thesis on the Albigensian crusades.

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23 Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis Cisterciensis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786, ed. Canivez, J. -M., Louvain 1933–1941, i. 122Google Scholar. This entry seems to have been revised and elaborated in the thirteenth century, probably with a view to being re-used in the context of some other crusade (see note to para. 16).

24 Ibid. i. 181–2.

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26 Statute capitulorum, i. 172 (1194)Google Scholar, 208 (1196), 210 (1197).

27 For Innocent in and the crusade see Roscher, H., Innocenz III. und die Kreuzzüge, Göttingen 1969Google Scholar. Roscher, however, did not investigate the theme of crusade liturgy in a systematic fashion.

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31 Riley-Smith, , Crusades, 139–40Google Scholar. For a prayer of thanks in this connection see PL ccxvi. 703.

32 Ibid. 817–22; G. Tangl, Studien zum Register Innocenz' III., Weimar 1929, 9, 88–97.

33 ‘Annales Sancti Jacobi Leodinenis, 1066–1230’, MGH: Scriptores xvi. 651–80 at p. 671.

34 Regesta Honorii papae HI, ed. Pressuti, P., Rome 1888, 1905, 149–50Google Scholar, no. 885.

35 See below, n. 58.

36 ‘Ex Chronico Turonensi’, RHGF xviii, Paris 1879, 290–322Google Scholar, at p. 312.

37 Statuta capitulorum, ii. 289 (1245), 361–2 (1251), 376–7 (1252), 400–1 (1254); iii. 91–2 (1270), 112 (1272), 126–7 (1274), 248 (1290); Historia diplomatica Frederici secundi, ed. Huillard-Bréholles, J. L. A., Paris 1852–1861Google Scholar, v/2, 1211 (1241); Paris, Matthew, Chronica majora, ed. Luard, H. R. (RS xlvii), London 1872–1883, vi. 174Google Scholar (1249); Foedera, conventiones, litterae, ed. Rymer, T. and others, London 1816–1869, i. 286Google Scholar (1252); Regestrum visitationum archiepiscopi Rothomagensis, ed. Bonnin, T., Rouen 1852, 389Google Scholar (1260/1).

38 Historia diplomatica, v/2, 1211 (1241); Statuta capitulorum, i. 122, note to para. 16 (thirteenth century); ii. 289 (1245); Foedera, i. 286 (1252).

39 Statuta capitulorum, i. 122, note to para. 16 (thirteenth century); ii. 6 9 (1228), 78 (1229), 201 (1239), 289 (1246), 315–1 6 (1247), 361–2 (1251), 376–7 (1252), 400–1 (1254); iii. 91–2 (1270), 104 (1272), 112 (1272); Historia diplomatica, v/2, 1211 (1241); Foedera, i. 287 (1252).

40 Statuta capitulorum, ii. 69, 78, 201, 361, 377; iii. 92, 112.

41 Ibid. ii. 289, 316, 361, 377.

42 Ibid. ii. 261, 377.

43 For this crusade see Jackson, P., ‘The crusade against the Mongols’, this JOURNAL xlii (1991), 1–18Google Scholar.

44 Böhmer, F., ‘Briefe iiber den Aufmarsch der Mongolen gegen Deutschland in Jahr 1241’, in Neue Mittheilungen aus dem Gebiet historisch-antiquarischer Forschungen, iv, ed. Forstemann, K. E., Halle 1839, 105–17Google Scholar at p. III.

45 Paris, Matthew, Chronica majora, iv. 110Google Scholar; vi. 78.

46 Jackson, , ‘Crusade against the Mongols’, 6–10Google Scholar.

47 He demanded that masses and processions be held throughout the diocese and that at every mass before the eucharist people were to kneel while Psalm lxviii was sung followed by the Kyrie, Pater noster and a special collect; during this the church bells were to be rung three times. For conventual churches Henry decreed that each Friday a procession on their own grounds was to be held, accompanied by the chanting of the seven penitential psalms and a mass. If the Friday fell on a feast day the same procedure was to be observed on Tuesday or Wednesday instead: Historia diplomatica, v/2, 1211.

48 ‘Annales Wormatienses’, MGH: Scriptores xvii. 34–73 at p. 46.

49 Paris, Matthew, Chronica majora, vi. 171–4Google Scholar, esp. p. 174.

50 William, of Nangis, , ‘Gesta Sancti Ludovici’, RHGF xx. 312–465Google Scholar at p. 412. See also P.Jackson, ‘The crisis in the Holy Land in 1260’, English Historical Review xcv (1980), 481–513CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 Andrieu, M., Le pontifical Romain au moyen-âge, IIIGoogle Scholar: Le pontifical de Guillaume Durand, Vatican 1940, 630–1Google Scholar.

52 See Leroquais, V., Les sacramentaires et Us missels manuscrils des bibliothiquès publiques de France, Paris 1924, i. 176Google Scholar, 210, 212, 261, 269, 273, 311, 326, 331; ii. 2, 18, 26, 27, 43, 56, 103, 112, 132, 149.

53 See, for example, Molin, J., ‘L' “Oratio fidelium”: ses survivances (Un ancien texte frangais des “Prière du prône”: Bibl. Nat. lat. 1347)’, Ephemerides liturgicae lxxiii (1959), 310–17Google Scholar, esp. p. 315, and ‘Les intentions des prières du prône éducatrices du peuple chrétien’, in Crises et reformes dans I'église de la réforme Grégorienne à la préreforme: actes du ii$e congres national des sociétés savantes, Avignon 1990, Paris 1991, 107–14Google Scholar, esp. p. 110–11 (this includes further bibliographical references); Beriou, N., ‘La predication au beguinage de Paris pendant l'annde liturgique 1272–1273’, Recherches Augusliniennes xiii (1978), 105–229CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 140, 153; Prier au mqyen âge, ed. Bériou, N., Berlioz, J. and Longère, J., Turnhout 1991, 71–2Google Scholar; Sinclair, K. V., ‘Anglo-Norman bidding prayers from Ramsey Abbey’, Mediaeval Studies xlii (1980), 454–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. p. 456. Sinclair suggests that the reference to the Holy Land in the prayer from Ramsey Abbey may have originated in the 1270s. There is, however, no reason to believe that an earlier date would not be possible; on this see also Lloyd, S., English society and the crusade 1217–1307, Oxford 1988, 52 no. 40Google Scholar.

54 Humbert, of Romans, , ‘Opus tripartitum’, in Fasciculus rerum expetendarum etfugiendum, ed. Brown, E., ii, London 1690, 185–229Google Scholar at pp. 198, 204; Gilbert, of Tournai, , ‘Collectio de scandalis ecclesiae’, ed. Stroick, P. A., Archivum Franciscanum historicum xxiv (1931), 33–62Google Scholar at p. 40.

55 Molin, ‘L' “Oratio fidelium”’, passim; G. Oury, ‘Les survivances de Y Oratio fidelium au Xlle siecle (Honorius d'Autun)’, Revue Gregorienne xl (1962), 142–8Google Scholar (which quotes further references); Sinclair, , ‘Anglo-Norman bidding prayers’, 455Google Scholar; Snoek, G.J. C., Medieval piety from relics to the eucharist: a process of mutual interaction, Leiden 1995, 168–9Google Scholar.

56 PL ccvi. 821: ‘Deus, qui admirabili providentia cuncta disponis, te suppliciter exoramus ut terram quam unigenitus Filius tuus proprio sanguine consecravit de manibus inimicorum crucis eripiens, restituas cultui Christiano, vota fidelium ad ejus liberationem instantium misericorditer dirigendo in viam salutis eternae. Per eundem Dominum nostrum, etc.’ Translation from Riley-Smith and Riley-Smith, , Crusades, 124Google Scholar.

57 Dickson, , ‘Stephen of Cloyes’, 88–93Google Scholar, and ‘La genèse de la croisade des enfants (1212)’, Bibliothèque de I'École des Charles cliii (1995), 53–102Google Scholar, esp. pp. 83–93.

58 ‘Annales Placentini Gibellini’, MGH: Scriptores xviii, 457–581 at p. 428; Regestrum visitationum, 597.

59 For this see Maier, C. T., Preaching the crusades: mendicant friars and the cross in the thirteenth century, Cambridge 1994, 108–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60 Gerald, of Wales, , Opera, ed. Brewer, J. S. (RS xxi, 1861–1891), vi. 16Google Scholar, 74.

61 Moolenbroek, J. J. van, ‘Signs in the heavens in Groningen and Friesland in 1214: Oliver of Cologne and crusading propaganda’, Journal of Medieval History xiii (1987), 251–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. p. 253; Maccarrone, M., Studi su Innocenzo III, Rome-Padova 1972, 8–9Google Scholar.

62 See Maier, , Preaching, 107 nn. 65–6Google Scholar.

63 The sermon is entitled ‘Sermo contra hereticos de Albigensibus partibus’ and appears in two manuscripts: Arras, Bibl. mun. Ms 137 (876), fos 88v-90r, and Orléans, Bibl. mun. MS 203, fos 294r–5r = J. B. Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters für die Zeit von 1150–1350, Munich 1969–, iv. 464, no. 863. For the date and the provenance of the manuscripts see A. Charansonnet, ‘L'évolution de la prédication du cardinal Eudes de Châteauroux (1190?–1273): une approche statistique’, in Hamesse, J. and Hermand, X. (eds), De I'homélie au sermon: histoire de la prédication médiévale, Louvain 1993, 103–42Google Scholar, esp. p. 114. In the light of the sermon discussed here, Charansonnet's date for the first datable sermon by Eudes (ibid. 104) will have to be brought forward to 1226. An edition of this sermon together with a group of sermons preached in the context of the same crusade by Philip the Chancellor is being prepared by Nicole Beriou and myself. A further study of these sermons by Bériou will appear in Cahiers de Fanjeaux.

64 For this crusade see Petit-Dutaillis, C., Études sur la vie el le règne de Louis VIII (1187–1226), Paris 1894, 297–328Google Scholar; Sivery, G., Louis VIII: le lion, Paris 1995, 363–90Google Scholar; Evans, A. P., ‘The Albigensian Crusade’, in Setton, K. (ed.) A history of the crusades, Madison 1969–1989, ii. 277–324Google Scholar, esp. pp. 315–19; Roquebert, M., L'épopée Calhare, Toulouse 1970–1989, iv. 117–24Google Scholar; Strayer, J. R., The Albigensian crusades, New York 1971, 123–35Google Scholar. Riley-Smith, , Crusades, 138Google Scholar.

65 Arras MS 137, fo. 90ra: ‘Et institutum est ut ecclesia se prosternat cotidie in missa super hoc orationem faciens specialem; fiunt etiam et processiones ut sic sanctorum auxilia impetrentur.’

66 The reference to Judges xx is presented at the very beginning of the sermon (Arras MS 137, fos 88vb-gra) and is taken up again towards the end (fo. 90ra): ‘Utinam ita hodie fieret; et licet et semel et secundo vied fuissent, nichilominus tamen habuerunt in responsis ut iterum pugnarent. Sed hoc fuit postquam ad Dominum clamaverunt. Prius enim confisi de sua fortitudine victi sunt, “quam ob rem omnes filii Israel venerunt in domum Dei et fleverunt coram Domino ieiunaveruntque die ilia usque ad vesperam et obtulerunt holocausta et pacificas victimas” [Judges xx. 26]. Iuxta hoc facit modo ecclesia ut quia per bellatores nondum consummatum negotium, recurrit ad preces.’

67 Petit-Dutaillis, , Études, 184–202Google Scholar; Sivéry, , Louis VIII, 129–31Google Scholar, 206–10.

68 Statuta capitulorum, ii. 69 (1228), 129 (1234), 219 (1240).

69 Cole, P. J., The preaching of the crusades to the Holy Land, 1095–1270, Cambridge, Mass. 1 gg 1, 71–9Google Scholar, 88–92, 129–32; Moolenbroek, ‘Signs in the heavens’, passim.

70 For the preaching of the cross by the friars see Maier, Preaching, passim.

71 Avranches, Bibl. mun. MS 132, fos 243ra–4vb, 248va–52vb, 272rb–3vb; Troyes, Bibl. mun. MS 1099, fos 15va–19vb, novb–12va = Schneyer, , Repertorium, iv. 837, nos 269–71Google Scholar, 839, no. 298, 842, no. 328. For a description of the Avranches manuscript see Schneyer, J. B., ‘Einige Sermoneshandschriften aus der früheren Benediktinerbibliothek des Mont Saint-Michel’, Sacris erudiri xvii (1966), 150–211CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a proposed edition and study of all these sermons see above n. 63.

72 The contents list of the Troyes MS (fos 1r–2v) designates the first two sermons for use on the feastday of the Conversion of St Paul (25 Jan.), the third sermon for the preaching at councils of prelates and princes and the fourth sermon for the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross. The fifth sermon only appears in the Avranches MS which does not have a contents list.

73 Avranches MS 132, fos 248va, 250ra, 251ra.

74 Troyes MS 1099, fos 15va, 17ra, 19ra.

75 For the life and work of Philip see Bériou, N., ‘Philippe le Chancelier’, in Dictionnaire de spiritualité, xx, Paris 1984Google Scholar, cols 1289–97.

76 Petit-Dutaillis, , Études, 291–2Google Scholar.

77 For the following see ibid. 279–96; Sive'ry, Louis VIII, 365–72.

78 ‘Ex Chronico Turonensi’, 308–9. For the Council of Bourges see also Paris, Matthew, Chronico majora, iii. 105–9Google Scholar.

79 ‘Ex Chronico Turonensi’, 309.

80 Paris, Matthew, Chronica majora, iii. 107Google Scholar.

81 But the quarrels over the modalities and the amount of the payments by the clergy continued: ‘Ex Chronico Turonensis’, 313–14.

82 Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, ed. Martene, E. and Durand, U., i, Paris 1717Google Scholar, cols 931–3. This copy of the legate's letter was passed down the line of the episcopal hierarchy by Archbishop Theobald of Rouen on 15 Feb. to Bishop William of Avranches who published it in his diocese on 12 Mar. See also Devic, C. and Vaisette, J., Hisloire générate de Languedoc, Toulouse 1872–1905, viii. 817–18Google Scholar. Interestingly enough, there does not seem to have been a formal sanctioning of the crusade by a papal bull. According to the decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council, there was the possibility that wars against heretics could be declared by secular rulers without the authority of the Church. But it would be wrong to see this mechanism at work in the case of Louis VIII's crusade of 1226. It was Cardinal Romanus who formally commissioned the crusade, as he was obviously entitled to do by virtue of the powers vested in him as papal legate.

83 Avranches MS 132, fos 248va–50ra; Troyes MS 1099, fos 15va–17ra.

84 Troyes MS 1099, fos 15va–17a.

85 Ibid. fo. 16ra: ‘Due manus eius clerici et laici; clerici sinistra, laid dextera, licet quibusdam videretur contrario. […] Clerici quidem et ecclesiastice persone protegunt corpus ecclesie et caput, quod est fides, clipeo orationis; militum autem et laicorum est pugnarecumgladio.[…] Ita hicdicitur: “Leva clipeum, qui in manu tuaest” etc. Set iste manus sese complodunt, quia magna parata est dissensio inter hos et illos, nisi Deus avertat. Modo incipiunt movere querele inter eos, que hactenus non fuerunt, et qui solebant unanimiter pugnare contra hostes fidei pro fide.’

86 Ibid.: ‘[…] prelati, qui debent se opponere “murum pro domo” Domini, ut Eze. xiii [5], sed sanguine respergitur dum peccata cupiditatis et rapine in eis manifestantur’. Ibid. fo. 16va: ‘[…] Non possumus nos excusare, quia Dominus sumit argumentum contra nos a propinquitate’.

87 Ibid. fo. 1r: ‘De multiplici adversitate ecclesie in principibus et prelatis sibi adversantibus scimaticis [sic] hereticis et ceteris infidelibus matris ecclesie scindentibus unitatem.’

88 Avranches MS 132, fos 250ra–1ra; Troyes MS 1099, fos 17ra-18ra.

89 Troyes MS 1099, fo. 17rb: ‘Apparet et sapiencia Dei. Qua m mirabilis est sapientia et quasi incantacio elicere de malo bonum et de dissensione pacem! Magna quidem erat contencio inter episcopos et principes, quam diabolus procurabat, quam Dominus commutat in occasionem boni et de eadem elicit pacem.’

90 Avranches MS 132, fos 251ra–2vb; Troyes MS 1099, fos 18ra-19vb.

91 Troyes MS 1099, fo. 1: ‘De agendis gratiarum actionibus post reconciliacionem prelatorum et principum cum assumerent cruces contra Albigenses se offerentes Deo.’ See also the rubric in the Avranches MS 132, fo. 251ra: ‘Sermo de eodem. De gaudio quod rex et principes assumpserunt crucem […].’

92 Troyes MS 1099, fos 18ra, 19va–vb.

93 See Paris, Matthew, Chronica majora, iii. 105–9Google Scholar.

94 Petit-Dutaillis, , Etudes, 289–90Google Scholar.

95 Troyes MS 1099, fo. 16ra.

96 Ibid. fo. 17va–vb: ‘Sic et mater ecclesia gallina dicitur. […] Foveatur ovum ut exeat pullus […] et crescat in gallum; sic erit gallus quidem: voce horas determinat et distinguit et antequam cantet, alis se percutit, et quis est nisi predicator? […] quando ergo pro hocnegotio non cessabunt predicatores clamare, vere de ovo pulli et de pullis galli erumpent. Sed quia hoc non sufficit, nisi uterque gladius in negocio concurrat, scilicet materialis et spiritualis, qui sunt galli calcaribus armati et pugnaces, nisi principes et milites, qui ad negocium accingentur.’ Ibid. fo. 18rb: ‘[…] quia eadem mater ecclesia ipsa est turtur, columba, hyrundo et gallina […] et quid pulli gallorum nisi qui ad hoc accinguntur, multitudo scilicet predicatorum et milicia armatorum, isti lingua vel rostro, illi gladio quasi calcaribus pugnaturi.’

97 For the contemporary use of the term see, for example, Paris, Matthew, Chronica majora, iii. 105Google Scholar, 107.

98 Troyes MS 1099, fo. 16ra: ‘Clerici quidem et ecclesiastice persone protegunt corpus ecclesie et caput, quod est fides, clipeo orationis; militum autem et laicorum est pugnare cum gladio.’ Ibid. fo. 16vb: ‘Clipeus figura triangularis significat tria bona seu suffragia, que Dominus docet in Mt. vi: orationem, ieiunium, et elemosinam, quibus insistendum est.’

99 Ibid.

100 Ibid. fos 16vb–17ra: ‘Posita iste dies inter festum Purificacionis venture et festum Epyphanie preterite. In purificacione habetur quod v siclis redimebatur primogenitum ut Levit. ult.; item oblacio erat “par turturum aut duo pulli columbarum”ut in Luce ii [24]. Quinque sicli pertinent ad elemosinam […] Turtur pertinet ad oracionem […] Columba, qui mundo grano vescitur, pertinet ad abstinenciam […] Item tria similiter oblata sunt in Epyphania: aurum, thus et mirra; aurum sicut et sicli ad elemosinam, thus ad oracionem, mirra ad ieiunii abstinenciam. Hec sunt clipeus triangularis, quo nos protegere debemus iuxta illud quod dictum est: “Leva clipeum quod habes in manum” etc ’

101 Ibid. fo. 17ra: ‘“Non contraxit Josue manum, quam in sublime porrexerat, tenens clipeum, donee interficerentur omnes habitatores urbis Hay etc. et fecit earn tumulum sempiternum”, Josue viii [26, 28]. Sicut dictum est, clipeus triangularis tria suffragia significat: oracionem, elemosinam, et ieiunium, de quibus dictum est: “Leva clipeum, qui est in manu tua” [Josua viii, 18], sicut ergo fecit Josue, scilicet quod “non contraxit manum, donee” etc. Sic et nos non cessemus ab hiis tribus, donee negocium fidei perfecte promoveatur.’

102 Ibid. fo. 17ra–b: ‘[…] maxime cum iam spes de negocio habeatur, in quo ammirari debemus potentiam Dei, laudare sapientiam, bonitati gratias agere, quia nobis tribus predictis suffragiis instantibus incipit sancta trinitas nos protegere clipeo suo triangulari illis tribus respondenti. Apparet enim potencia Dei, qui eorum, scilicet principum, prius contradicentem et repugnantem mutavit voluntatem’.

103 Ibid. fos 16vb–17vb: ‘Medicus in infirmo per sinthomata spem habet sanitatis et de die cretica, ut per sudorem et huiusmodi et hoc ipsum oratione plerumque impetratur. Ideo Dominus, ut hoc significaret, dum oraret, sudavit […] ostendens quod oratio impetrare potest et tristi consolationem et infirmo sanitatis spem. […] Que est ista regina nisi mater ecclesia, que intravit ad regem ut oraret cum duabus famulis: ecce ieiunium et elemosina, que orationem famulantur. […] Que est gallina nisi regina Domini? […] Sic et mater ecclesia gallina dicitur. Iam posuit nobis ovum gallina ista beneficio orationum vestrarum; ovum, scilicet spei, quod necesse est foveri, ut erumpat pullus. […] Calore ergo orationis foveatur hoc ovum. […] Sic et predicatores clamant et Dominus respicit per gratiam et peccatores ad penitentiam convertuntur.’

104 See above n. 96.

105 Troyes MS 1099, fo. I7vb: ‘Oratio quidem fortissima manus est habens quinque digitos, unde de ipsa potest dici illud Apostoli i ad Cor. xiiii [19]: “Volo quinque verba loqui in ecclesia sensu meo quam milia verborum in lingua”; quinque dicit, quia non nisi quinque psalmi “ab oratione” intitulantur, et bene dicit in sensu ut tria notentur suffragia: quinque enim verba pertinent ad orationem […] Primus psalmus est: “Exaudi Deus iusticiam meam”, cuius titulus: “Oratio David”; secundus: “Inclina Domine”, cuius titulus: “Oratio David”; tercius: “Domine refugium factus es nobis”, cuius titulus: “Oratio Moysi hominis Dei”; quartus: “Domine exaudi orationem meam”, cuius titulus est: “Oratio pauperis cum anxiaretur cor eius et effunderet precem suam ad Deum”, quintus est: “Voce mea ad Dominum clamavi”, cuius titulus est: “Oratio David, cum esset in spelunca”, et bene conpetit.’

106 Ibid. fo. 18ra: ‘Alia sunt que sustinemus vel ab extraneis vel a domesticis, et quia David sustinuit infestacionem a Saul, extraneo inimico suo, et a filio uteri sui. Ideo duplex psalmus sic intitulatur: “Oratio David, Oratio David”. Orandum est igitur nobis, quia carnis sustinemus insultus, quia angustias patimur matris, quia dolendum de peccatis aliorum, quia a gentibus ut extraneis mater ecclesia infestatur et ab hereticis ut propinquis.’

107 Ibid. ‘Et attende, quod omnes quinque psalmi intitulantur: a David et a Moyse, quia uterque prevaluit in tribus virtutibus, que competunt orationi, scilicet fidelitas, mansuetudo, humilitas.’

108 Ibid. fo. 18ra–rb: ‘Orandum est nobis, id est gaudendum et gratiarum accionibus insistendum, quia ova dederunt pullos suos; et bene competebat, quia oblacio facienda erat de pullis in festo Purificacionis. Obtulerunt, inquit Luce ii [24], Domino “par turturum aut duos pullos columbarum”. Sed et istis adduntur pulli hyrundinum et pulli gallorum et ne mireris, quia eadem mater ecclesia ipsa est turtur, columba, hyrundo et gallina. […] Primo quidem dedit par turturum in gemitu vestro pro peccatis vestris et alienis; “par turturum” in oracionibus, quas fudistis, obtulistis “duos pullos columbarum” in abstinencia mentis et corporis. Ecce producit pullos hyrundinum in crucesignatis. Hyrundo enim, que ruborem prefert in gutture, quid nisi crucesignati, qui crucem gestant in pectore? […] Et quid pulli gallorum nisi qui ad hoc accinguntur, multitudo scilicet predicatorum et milicia armatorum, isti lingua vel rostro, illi gladio quasi calcaribus pugnaturi?’

109 Ibid. fo. 18rb: ‘Ecce quod dicitur Prov. xxx [29–30] in fine: “Tria sunt, que bene gradiuntur et quartum, quod incedit feliciter; leo fortissimus bestiarum ad nullius pavebat occursum” etc. Leo rex animalium; quid nisi rex hie bene graditur, dum ad hoc negocium promovendum solo Dei intuitu crucesignatur? “Gallus succintus”, ecce predicatores et doctores et milites, “et aries; nee est rex qui resistat ei” [Prov. xxx. 31]; quid “aries”, qui cornibus ventilat, nisi pontifices mitrati ventilaturi inimicos fidei cornibus utriusque testamenti?’

110 Ibid. fos 18vb-19rb: ‘Prima oblacio fuit “acetabulum”, quia incipiendum est a se ab amaritudine contritionis. […] Aceto utuntur in estu ad refrigerium sic et castigacione carnis contra incentiva viciorum. […] Hoc vinum in acetum vertitur cum carnalis voluptas in asperitatem penitentie commutatur. […] Secunda oblacio fuit “phyala”; ciathus quidem sufficit minoribus, scilicet imperfecta doctrina tam verbi quam exempli. […] Qui ergo solebant iam dudum vinum bibere in phialis […] feliciter convertantur, ut spirituales verbo et exemplo riant phyale aliorum, eos qui Christi sunt inebriantes ad vitam, inimicos autem crucis ad mortem. […] Inimici autem fidei, qui non credunt, spiritualiter interficiuntur. […] Tercia oblacio est “simila oleo conspersa” in vasis argenteis, per quam dulcedo spiritualis et pietatis affectus intelligitur […] quia tam in verbo correpcionis, quam in exemplo opens debet esse pietatis affectus in verbo. […] Quarta oblacio “mortariolum aureum plenum incenso”; quinque siclorum, in quo significantur multe virtutes, in mortariolo paciencia et humilitas, in auro sapientia, in incenso orationis devotio.’

111 Ibid. fo. 19rb–vb.

112 Avranches MS 132, fos 272rb–3vb; Troyes MS 1099, fos 100vb–12va.

113 Vitry-le-Francois, Bibl. mun. MS 69, fo. 139: ‘In concilio Bitturicensi ad crucesignatos presente rege.’ See Catalogue general des manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France, xiii, Paris 1891, 36Google Scholar.

114 This begs the question as to whether the Vitry-le-Frangois manuscript might not have contained an earlier version of the sermon closer to the one originally preached at Bourges, since its rubric did mention the crusade.

115 Troyes MS 1099, fo. 112rb: ‘Plangimus ex eo tempore quo crux veneranda perdita est et clamamus illud Ps [lxxviii.1]: “Deus, venerunt gentes” etc.’

116 Ibid. fo. IIIvb: ‘Maxime autem festum Inventionis et Exaltationis crucis celebrant qui crucesignantur.’

117 Avranches MS 132, fos 243ra–4.vb.

118 See the rubric ibid. fo. 243ra: ‘Sermo in die veneris infra octabas Assumptionis beate Virginis apud Sanctum Victorem in processione pro rege Ludovico quando erat ante Avinionem, quomodo tota spes nostra debet esse in cruce et beata Virgine et quomodo Christus multiplex pependit pro nobis ut nos ad simile provocaret.’

119 Ibid.: ‘I n magna necessitate colligit quisque vires et suffragia que potest requirit, quanto magis [cum] negocium fidei differtur, scilicet captio Avinionis, maior necessitas instat et magis instandum est orationibus.’

120 ‘Ex Chronico Turonensis’, 315–16; Sivery, Louis VIII, 378–88.

121 Avranches MS 132, fo. 244rb: ‘Sic hodie in Avinione Christiani se sociant hereticis. Alii sunt qui dant malum consilium et quando non prevalent dolent. […] Alii sunt qui intendunt in curiis alios supplantare et supplantantur. […] Alii cupidi, maxime clerici.’

122 Ibid. fo. 243rb: ‘Et timendum est nobis ne peccata nostra impediant negocium. […] Oremus ergo beatissimam Virginem ut peccata nostra non impediant negocium.’

123 Ibid. fo. 243ra: ‘Magna fiducia nostra est in cruce Domini benedicta, unde consuevimus facere processiones in sexta feria.’

124 Ibid.: ‘Aliud magnum suffragium est in beata Virgine et hec duo [also referring to the commemoration of Christ's passion] hodie Dei ordinatione concurrunt, dum hec processio fit in sexta feria infra Assumptionis beate Virgine octabas.’

125 Ibid. fo. 244rb: ‘Homo iste nobilis Christus, qui abiit scilicet in die Ascensionis in regionem longinquam, scilicet in celum, accipere sibi regnum, scilicet diadema regni celestis. […] In regionem longinquam scilicet contra Albigenses, accipere sibi regnum, nam et ille partes pertinent ad eius regnum, et reverti quia Deo annuente in brevi cum victoria revertetur, et tune qui modo fideliter erga eum se habent remunerabit.’

126 Ibid. fo. 244vb: ‘Cives vim suam debent regi suo, solvunt census suos et redditus, unde Luc. ii [3] dicitur: “Ibant ut profiterentur” unusquisque “in suam civitatem”, debent miliciam et exercitum et hoc est iusticia que reddit unicuique quod suum est. Censum nostrum reddimus dum precepta Dei implemus, dum horas debitas solvimus.’

127 Arras MS 137, fo. 8grb: ‘Sic Dominus non cessavit multis annis ecclesiam Albigensium revocare ad se. Tandem longo tempore, dum earn vellet reducere et dum ipsa iam esset quasi in reditu, misit diabolus hereticos, qui earn sponso suo auferrent et earn miserabiliter sordidarent. Nichil adeo sordidat animam ut peccatum hereseos. Hoc autem fuit peccatis eorum exigentibus et numquam Deus eos permisisset cadere in peccatum infidelitatis, nisi prius per peccata sua Dominum dimisissent, unde Jer. ii [16], quasi loquens ad eos dicit: “Filii quoque Menpheos et Thanes construpraverunt te usque ad verticem. Numquid non istud factum est tibi, quia dereliquisti Dominum Deum tuum?” Memphis os vel os ex ipsis et significat hereticos. […] Isti heretici ecclesiam Albigensium “construpraverunt usque ad verticem” eius rationem et intellectum, erroribus heretice pravitatis fedantes et sic mortua est in peccato enim infidelitatis nichil vite remanens.’ Ibid. fo. 80, vb: ‘Josue viii [26]: “Josue vero non contraxit manum quam in sublime porrexat tenens clipeum, donee interficerentur habitatores Hay”. Hay interpretatur vita vallium, id est peccatum hereseos, quo retento omnia retinentur et per quod obturatur aqueductus gratiarum. Os aqueductus Olofernes nititur intercidere, quia hoc interciso civitas ecclesie non potest stare. Et per hoc apparet immanitas sceleris hereseos.’

128 Troyes MS 1099, fo. i6rb: ‘Sic in ecclesia defectus est spiritus et multum est carnalitatis. […] Vidimus capi Constantinopolim et omnia abierunt retro, nuper et Damieta capta fuit et statim amissa victoria que [MS quasi] erat in termino et cum esset quasi navis in portu, contracto ventu reducta est navis ecclesie, sic in nullo stat set in omnibus recedit ecclesia. […] Credendum est et est probabile quod nullus sit effectus in negotio Terre Sancte eo quod impeditur peccato nostro.’

129 Ibid. fo. 16va: ‘Mortuo marito dotalicium revertitur ad uxorem, sic mortuo Christo ad ecclesiam, quod dilatatum prius fuit secundum formam crucis in quatuor partes mundi, modo decurtatum est in oriente quantum ad gentes, in occidente quantum ad hereticos.’

130 Ibid. fo. 17ra: ‘Quia omnia hec referenda ad Deum; et ipse, ut promittit, tradet nobis Hay, sine qua non poter[u]nt ingredi terram promissionis, sic, nisi expedito hoc negocio, non promoveri potest negotium Terre Sancte, cuius promocionem nobis concedat per concordiam principum, qui solus potest corda regum inclinare, quod ipse prestare dignetur, qui etc.’

131 Ibid.: ‘Sic nisi expedito hoc negocio non promoveri potest negocium Terre Sancte.’

132 Wolff, R. L., ‘The Latin Empire of Constantinople, 1204–1261’, in Setton, , History of the crusades, ii. 187–234Google Scholar, esp. pp. 214–15.

133 Powell, J. M., Anatomy of a crusade, 1213–1221, Philadelphia 1986, 177–93Google Scholar.

134 Cf. Maier, C. T., ‘Crusade and rhetoric against the Muslim colony of Lucera: Eudes of Châteauroux's sermones de rebellione Sarracenorum Lucherie in Apulia’, Journal of Medieval History xxi (1995), 343–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar. esp. pp. 369–70.

135 For the importance of liturgy within this movement see B. Tbpfer, ‘The cult of relics and the pilgrimage in Burgundy and Aquitaine at the time of the monastic reform’, and Koziol, G., ‘Monks, feuds, and the making of peace in eleventh-century Flanders’, in Head, T. and Landes, R. (eds), The Peace of God: social violence and religious response in France around the year 1000, Ithaca–London 1992, 41–57Google Scholar, 239–58.

136 Cf. Maier, Preaching, passim.

137 The most comprehensive studies of the papal view of the crusades in the thirteenth century are still Roscher, Innocenz HI., and Purcell, M., Papal crusading policy: the chief instruments of papal crusading policy and the crusade to the Holy Land from the final loss of Jerusalem to the fall of Acre, Leiden 1975Google Scholar. See also Riley-Smith, , Crusades, 119–78Google Scholar.

138 Cf. Christiansen, E., The northern crusades: the Baltic and the Catholic frontier 1100–1524, London–Basingstoke 1980, 214–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dygo, M., ‘The political role of the cult of the Virgin Mary in Teutonic Prussia in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries’, Journal of Medieval History xv (1989), 63–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Of course, non-Marian liturgy also played a role. Thus, for example, the Baltic crusaders were given a particle of the True Cross by Frederick 11 in the 1230s. See Cohn, W., Hermann von Salza, Breslau 1930, 190–1Google Scholar. For the veneration of the relic on campaign see Preussisches Urkundenbuch, Politische Abteilung, ed. Seraphin, A. and others, Kbnigsberg 1882Google Scholar, 1/1, no. 103.

139 See, for example, th e instances quote d in Tyerman, C., England and the Crusades 1095–1588(Chicago–London 1988, 327Google Scholar, 330, 340, 341. For prayers for the crusade and the Holy Land in missals of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries see Leroquais, , Sacramentaires et missels, ii. 164Google Scholar, 184, 169, 196, 215, 238, 261, 270, 274, 276, 312, 347, 356, 367, 368; iii. 7, 41, 44, 148, 221.

140 Cf., for example, Schreiber, G., ‘Tiirkennot und Westfalen’, Westfdlische Forschungen vii (1953/1954), 62–79Google Scholar, esP. PP. 65–70; Basler Chroniken iii, ed. Vischer, W., Leipzig 1887, 78Google Scholar, 259.