Article contents
Disraeli and the Millstones
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2014
Extract
Of the countless addresses which assailed English eardrums in the nineteenth century, few are more widely remembered in the general histories of Britain and the British Empire than Benjamin Disraeli's celebrated speech at the Crystal Palace on June 24, 1872. There he made a profession of faith in the Empire which is still often said to have marked his conversion from the apathy of an earlier day when he had described the colonies as “a millstone round our necks.” The speech, moreover, is commonly regarded as the great signpost at the start of the highway to the “New Imperialism,” and it is usually credited with having furnished the Tories a popular banner which they subsequently carried into the political arena with outstanding success. The speech has been both praised as “the famous declaration from which the modern conception of the British Empire takes its rise” and condemned as an opportunistic effort to “dish the Whigs,” but friend and foe alike have accorded it a significance which it does not wholly deserve.
For many decades historians have harked back to the middle years of the last century as the heyday of anti-imperialism in Britain. This was the period of “Little England,” when many of her leaders — especially the men of the Manchester School — looked with favor on the main doctrine of separatism: cut the colonies loose and let them set up shop for themselves so as to end the financial burdens borne by the mother country. The climax of this movement was supposed to have occurred about 1870, when a sudden imperialist tide swept away all separatist notions.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1965
References
1. This view is set forth in Burt, A. L., Evolution of the British Empire and Commonwealth (Boston, 1956), pp. 444, 449–50Google Scholar; Williamson, James A., The Modern Empire and Commonwealth (4th ed.; London, 1958), pp. 183–85Google Scholar; Carrington, C. E., The British Overseas (Cambridge, 1950), pp. 666–67Google Scholar; Walker, Eric A., The British Empire (2nd ed.; Cambridge, Mass., 1956), pp. 80–81Google Scholar; Lunt, W. E., History of England (4th ed.; New York, 1956), p. 700Google Scholar; Cambridge History of the British Empire (Cambridge, 1929–1959), III, 41Google Scholar (henceforth cited as C.H.B.E.).
2. Monypenny, W. E. and Buckle, G. F., Life of Benjamin Disraeli (London, 1910–1920), V, 196Google Scholar; Bodelsen, C. A., Studies in Mid-Victorian Imperialism (London, 1924), p. 121Google Scholar. However, a recent suggestion that the renown of the speech is “utterly unjustified” has been made by Koebner, R. and Schmidt, H. D., Imperialism: The Story and Significance of a Political Word (Cambridge, 1964), pp. 109–11Google Scholar.
3. See Schuyler, R. L., “The Climax of Anti-Imperialism in England,” P.S.Q., XXXV (1921), 537–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar, later amplified in The Fall of the Old Colonial System (New York, 1945), pp. 234–84Google Scholar, and Bodelsen, , Studies, pp. 32-59, 79–130Google Scholar, for the formative interpretations. Later works which embody this thesis include Moon, P. T., Imperialism and World Politics (New York, 1926), pp. 14–21Google Scholar; Burt, , British Empire, pp. 443–50Google Scholar; Williamson, , Modern Empire, pp. 55–57Google Scholar; Carrington, , British Overseas, pp. 529-32, 663–67Google Scholar; C.H.B.E., II, 698-704, and III, 26-32.
4. See Robinson, Ronald and Gallagher, John, “The Imperialism of Free Trade,” Econ. Hist. Rev., second series, VI (1953), 1–15Google Scholar; Galbraith, J. S., “Myths of the ‘Little England’ Era,” A.H.R., LXVII (1961), 34–48Google Scholar. It is pointed out in C.H.B.E., II, 701-02, and III, 19, that separatism was limited and was never an official policy.
5. Schuyler, , Fall of the Old Colonial System, pp. 263–70Google Scholar; Bodelsen, , Studies, pp. 87–94Google Scholar; C.H.B.E., III, 18-26.
6. Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, V, 194–96Google Scholar.
7. Morley, John, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (London, 1903), I, 361Google Scholar; II, 392.
8. In addition to Bodelsen, , Studies, pp. 121–23Google Scholar, and Schuyler, , “Climax of Anti-Imperialism,” P.S.Q., XXXV (1921), 546-47, 560Google Scholar, see Morison, J. L., “The Imperial Ideas of Disraeli,” C.H.R., I (1920), 267–80Google Scholar.
9. C.H.B.E., III, 41; Williamson, , Modern Empire, p. 57Google Scholar; Carrington, , British Overseas, pp. 666–67Google Scholar; Burt, , British Empire, pp. 444–45Google Scholar; Knaplund, Paul, The British Empire, 1815-1939 (New York, 1941), pp. 199, 205, 331, 368Google Scholar; Koebner, and Schmidt, , Imperialism, pp. 106–08Google Scholar; Thornton, A. P., The Imperial Idea and Its Enemies (London, 1959), pp. 9-10, 19, 25, 38Google Scholar. Thornton does, however, point out that Disraeli was using the new imperial feeling as “a new dress for the argument that he had been constantly propounding for a great part of his political life: that England, if she were to remain a Great Power, must function as such.”
10. Smith, Goldwin, Reminiscences (New York, 1910), pp. 168–69Google Scholar.
11. SirDuff, M. E. Grant, Out of the Past (London, 1903), I, 210Google Scholar; II, 174-75.
12. E.g., Bodelsen, , Studies, p. 123Google Scholar; Schuyler, , “Climax of Anti-Imperialism” P.S.Q., XXXV (1921), 545Google Scholar.
13. SirGregory, William, Autobiography (2nd ed.; London, 1894), pp. 104–05Google Scholar.
14. Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, V, 195.Google Scholar
15. Bodelsen, , Studies, p. 45Google Scholar.
16. Earl of Malmesbury, Memoirs of an Ex-Minister (London, 1884), I, 343–44Google Scholar.
17. Times, 7 June, 1852.
18. See Winks, Robin L., Canada and the United States: The Civil War Years (Baltimore, 1960), esp. pp. 52-57, 100-03, 115-21, 337–40Google Scholar, and Waite, P. B., “Edward Cardwell and Confederation,” C.H.R., XLIII (1962), 17–41Google Scholar.
19. Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, IV, 476–77Google Scholar.
20. Somervell, D. C., Disraeli and Gladstone (New York, 1926), p. 175Google Scholar, made the suggestion that Disraeli's imperialism in the 1870s was “no new departure,” and part of the proof for this is scattered through the pages of Monypenny and Buckle, but it has never been gathered together, and the millstone is still around Disraeli's neck.
21. These and other references to the Empire may be found in Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, I, 227, 283, 321Google Scholar, including his attack on Lord Melbourne for “sauntering over the destinies of a nation and lounging away the glory of an Empire.” The “Runnymede” and “Old England” letters are reprinted in Hutcheon, William (ed.), Whigs and Whiggism: The Political Writings of Benjamin Disraeli (New York, 1914), pp. 297-301, 408–30Google Scholar.
22. Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, II, 88–89.Google Scholar
23. Ibid., III, 3-4, 23-24.
24. 3 Hansard 106: 365 (15 June, 1849).
25. Letter of Dec. 23, 1849, Childe-Pemberton, W. S., Life of Lord Norton (Sir Charles Adderley) (London, 1909), pp. 84–85Google Scholar.
26. Letters of Dec. 17 and 28, 1849, Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, III, 233–37Google Scholar.
27. 3 Hansard 112: 1040-41 (5 July, 1850).
28. Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, III, 333–35Google Scholar. Bodelsen, , Studies, p. 122Google Scholar, says Disraeli was motivated by party rather than imperial considerations.
29. 3 Hansard 119: 143 (3 Feb., 1852).
30. Ibid. 168: 871-72 (25 July, 1862).
31. Cf. Stacey, C. P., Canada and the British Army, 1846-71 (London, 1936), pp. 257–58Google Scholar, who attributes the collapse of the anti-imperialist movement in England to the withdrawal of the colonial garrisons and the consequent lightening of the colonial burden.
32. 3 Hansard 163: 1523-27 (24 June, 1861).
33. SirAdderley, Charles, Letter to Benjamin Disraeli on the Present Relations of England with the Colonies (London, 1861), pp. 1–4Google Scholar.
34. Letter of Dec. 1861, Childe-Pemberton, , Norton, p. 177Google Scholar.
35. Letter of July 22, 1862, ibid., p. 182.
36. 3 Hansard 168: 853-55, 860 (25 July, 1862).
37. Ibid. 168: 867-72.
38. Ibid. 169: 95-96 (5 Feb., 1863).
39. Smith, , Reminiscences, pp. 171–72Google Scholar.
40. Cf. his later and more widely noticed speech at Manchester on Apr. 3, 1872. Thornton, A. P., Imperial Idea, pp. xii–xiiiGoogle Scholar, emphasizes Disraeli's appreciation of political power and attributes his imperialism to a belief that empire was “a visible expression of the power of England in the affairs of the world.”
41. 3 Hansard 177: 1575-78 (13 Mar., 1865).
42. Letter of Dec. 1861, Childe-Pemberton, , Norton, pp. 177–78Google Scholar.
43. 3 Hansard 168: 867-68 (25 July, 1862).
44. Bodelsen, , Studies, p. 123Google Scholar, says this, referring to a passage in Blackwood's Magazine, CVI (1869), 772–76Google Scholar. Similarly, Thornton, , Imperial Idea, pp. 9–10Google Scholar, says Disraeli's recommendations were “a reflection that had dawned on him some twenty years too late” and were borrowed from the colonial reformers, while Burt, , British Empire, p. 450Google Scholar, calls the Crystal Palace program “entirely new” to Disraeli. Koebner, and Schmidt, , Imperialism, p. 110Google Scholar, declare that “an attempt to antedate the ‘imperalism’ of Disraeli and to understand his pertinent utterances made from 1872 onwards as the outgrowth of life-long convictions would be futile.”
45. Times, 29 June, 1863. Yet Koebner, and Schmidt, , Imperialism, p. 111Google Scholar, say that Disraeli “would have been at a loss if he had been challenged to explain why he had failed to disclose the alleged Liberal conspiracy against the Empire at an earlier date.”
46. Standard, 25 June and 2 July, 1872; Saturday Review, XXXIII (29 June, 1872), 812–13Google Scholar; Daily Telegraph, 26 June, 1872; Morning Post, 26 June, 1872; Daily News, 25 June, 1872; Times, 25 June, 1872; Spectator, XLV (29 June, 1872), 809.Google Scholar
47. Schuyler, , Fall of the Old Colonial System, p. 278Google Scholar.
48. Times, 24 Oct. and 16 Nov., 1872.
49. Times, 26 Jan., 1874.
50. Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute (London, 1870 ff.)Google Scholar, V (10 Feb., 1874), 100-01.
51. Times, 10 Nov., 1874, and 10 Nov., 1875.
52. Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, VI, 515.Google Scholar
53. Letter of Alexander Mackenzie to Alexander Gait, July 15, 1873, Skelton, O. D., Life and Times of Alexander Tilloch Gait (Toronto, 1920), p. 502Google Scholar.
54. Times, 19 Sep., 1879.
55. Macdonald to Beaconsfield, Oct. 7, 1879, Pope, Joseph, Memoirs of Sir John Alexander Macdonald (Ottawa, 1894), II, 207Google Scholar.
56. 3 Hansard 221: 396 (21 July, 1874).
57. SirHardinge, Arthur, Life of the 4th Earl of Carnarvon (Oxford, 1925), II, 73–74Google Scholar. Some months later, however, Disraeli spoke rather grandly of the annexation of another “province” as a proof of Tory faith in the Empire: Times, 10 Nov., 1874.
58. Times, 26 Jan. and 2 Feb., 1874.
59. Hardinge, , Carnarvon, II, 136–40Google Scholar; MacIntyre, D., “Britain's Intervention in Malaya,” Journal Southeast Asian History, II (1961), 47–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
60. Letter of Sep. 20, 1876, Hardinge, , Carnarvon, II, 207.Google Scholar
61. Letter of Sep. 27, 1878, Marquis of Zetland (ed.), Letters of Disraeli to Lady Bradford and Lady Chesterfield (London, 1929), II, 189Google Scholar; letter of Nov. 12, 1878, Buckle, G. F. (ed.), Letters of Queen Victoria, second series (New York, 1926–1928), II, 646Google Scholar.
62. Letter of June 28, 1879, Zetland, , Letters to Lady Bradford, II, 225.Google Scholar
63. Monypenny, and Buckle, , Disraeli, V, 258–59Google Scholar; Times, 26 Jan. and 2 Feb., 1874.
64. 3 Hansard 261: 1773 (18 July, 1878).
65. Balfour, Arthur, Retrospect: An Unfinished Autobiography (Boston, 1930), pp. 116–17Google Scholar.
66. Churchill, Lord Randolph, “Elijah's Mantle,” Fortnightly Review, XXXIX (new series, XXXIII) (1883), 615Google Scholar.
67. See Thornton, , Imperial Idea, pp. xii-xiii, 25–26Google Scholar.
68. 3 Hansard 227: 1726 (9 Mar., 1876).
69. Bodelsen, , Studies, p. 123Google Scholar.
- 9
- Cited by