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Worsening Schisms in Thai Domestic Politics

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 February 2010

N. GANESAN*
Affiliation:
Professor of Southeast Asian Politics, Hiroshima Peace Institute, [email protected]

Abstract

The September 2006 military coup against the Thaksin government in Thailand has had a profound impact on Thai politics. It has arrested the process of democratic consolidation that was set in motion in the country in the 1990s. Although many of Thaksin's policies lacked the spirit of democratic governance, he was democratically elected and was ousted from power unconstitutionally. The entire tenure of Thaksin has brought to the fore two deep cleavages in Thailand. The first of these is the deep divide between the rural and urban electoral constituencies. The former provided a major vote bank with little bearing on the dispersion of power and resources that was effectively dominated by the latter. Thaksin and his populist policies effectively undermined the urban electorate and strengthened the rural constituency. The second and perhaps structurally more significant tension is that which has developed between the new business elite and the old establishment elite that comprise the monarchy, military, and the bureaucracy. This old elite has been at the forefront of displacing Thaksin through its fear of loss of control over the domestic political process. The drawn out confrontation that has spawned two social movements has significantly raised the country's political temperature and there is the real potential for the situation to deteriorate into violence. Despite these changes, a number of continuities unique to the Thai political situation continue to obtain as well.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2010

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References

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14 ‘Opposition takes battle to the EC: two more seats needed to launch censure bid’, Bangkok Post, 11 February 2005; ‘Civic groups plan government rally to keep campaign in check’, ibid., 9 March 2005 and ‘Wider charter changes opposed’, ibid., 30 May 2005.

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19 Ibid., pp. 160–161.

20 I owe this observation to a discussant memo from Michael Montesano while presenting a paper on political parties in Thailand in July 2006 in Singapore.

21 Banyat Bantadtan who led the Democrat Party in the 2005 election did not have the same level of support as Chuan Leekpai. His resignation immediately after the election results were announced left the party in limbo before Abhisit Vejjajiva was elected to lead the party. At 44 years of age, Abhisit is generally regarded as young and inexperienced. See ‘Banyat, Sanan call it quits’, Bangkok Post, 8 February 2005 and ‘Abhisit steps in as acting party leader’, Nation, 21 February 2005.

22 ‘Thai Talk: The weaker the opposition, the more defiant the factions’, Nation, 24 March 2005; ‘Another TRT faction sets up panel to spy on ministers’, Bangkok Post, 25 March 2005; ‘Factional spat: Thaksin shrugs off Snoh's new politics centre’, Nation, 31 March 2005; ‘Factional anger boils as Thaksin refuses to go to Sanoh's birthday bash’, Bangkok Post, 31 March 2005; ‘TRT feud reaches new heights’, Nation, 1 April 2005; ‘Factions go after Sudarat in tit-for-tat’, Bangkok Post, 1 April 2005’; ‘Tot TRT position: faction to “rock” party if Suriya is dumped’, Nation, 13 April 2005; ‘Split over Auditor General: TRT rocked by rebellion’, Nation, 26 May 2005; ‘Thaksin's bad day in parliament: expel me, Snoh dares PM’, ibid., 9 June 2005 and ‘Sanoh in open rebellion’, Bangkok Post, 9 June 2005. Previously, Somsak Thepsuthin headed the Wang Nam Yom faction with 100 MPs, Snoh Tienthong headed the Wang Nam Yen faction with about 40 MPs, Thaksin's sister Yaowapa Wongsawat headed the Wang Bua Ban faction, and Sudarat Keyuraphan headed the faction comprising some 30 MPs from Bangkok.

23 ‘Members of 42 state enterprise labour groups may strike’ and ‘Forming a united front’, Nation, 7 March 2006 and ‘Labour unions move against Thaksin’, Bangkok Post, 7 March 2006.

24 See ‘Jaruvan slams government graft practices’, Bangkok Post, 14 March 2006. The term ‘policy corruption’ is now commonly used by academics and researchers to refer to Thaksin's development plans and priorities, in particular large infrastructure projects.

25 ‘Eyebrows raised as Shin deal wins tax shelters, rule waivers’, Nation, 25 January 2006.

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28 See ‘Constitutional Tribunal disbands Thai Rak Thai’, Nation, 31 May 2007 and ‘Wednesday night massacre’ and ‘Tribunal acquits democrats of all charges’, Bangkok Post, 31 May 2007.

29 ‘HM backs Surayud government’, Nation, 5 December 2006.

30 ‘Old money strikes back like a blast from the past’, Nation, 15 December 2006.

31 Prem associates in the NLA include Vice Admiral Pachun Thampratheep, General Panthep Phuwanartnurak, General Pairoj Panitsamai, General Oud Buangbon, Admiral Prajet Siridej, Admiral Prasert Boonsong, and General Preecha Rojsen. See ‘New Parliament: NLA “doesn't represent” all of the people’, Nation, 13 October 2006.

32 ‘CNS makes its case for the coup’, Nation, 22 November 2006.

33 ‘TRT-linked governors transferred’, Bangkok post, 1 November 2006 and ‘CNS moves to tighten army's grip’, ibid., 2 March 2007.

34 ‘Army chief tightens his grip: transfers to counter PPP's rise in popularity’, Bangkok Post, 16 November 2007.

35 ‘Ministry scraps one-million-cows project’, Bangkok Post, 29 November 2006.

36 ‘Interior ministry to educate rural people on how to vote’, Nation, 29 November 2006.

37 The factional leaders behind Samak include Sudarat Keyuraphan, Yaowapa Wongsawad, and Thaksin's spokesperson Surapong Suebwonglee. See ‘Samak set to head up TRT bloc’, Nation, 1 August 2007.

38 ‘See ‘PPP boasts it will capture 250 house seats’, Nation, 30 October 2007; ‘PPP alleges soldiers intimidate its canvassers’, ibid., 29 October 2007 and ‘Top-secret plan to ruin PPP revealed’, ibid., 26 October 2007.

39 See ‘PPP Faces dissolution over videos of Thaksin’, Nation, 10 December 2007.

40 ‘Hard talk: Thaksin's “National Unity” plan bitterly ironic’, Nation, 11 December 2007.

41 ‘Chetta to lead Ruam Jai Thai Chart Pattana’, Bangkok Post, 16 October 2007 and ‘Ruam Jai thai Chat Pattana elect Chettha as leader’, Nation, 16 October 2007.

42 ‘Prachai eyeing Saprang to join Matchima’, Bangkok Post, 16 October 2007.

43 ‘Chavalit predicts political calm after polls’, Bangkok Post, 15 November 2007.

44 ‘Thailand's future: military will keep “pulling the strings”’, Nation, 16 February 2007.

45 ‘Thai politics beyond 2006 coup’, Bangkok Post, 31 July 2007.

46 In 2001, when Thaksin sidelined Kasem Watanachai and Palakorn Suwannarat, within hours, they were appointed by the King to the Privy Council. See Shawn W. Crispin, ‘Thailand: all the King's men’, Asia Times, 22 September 2006.

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48 See Allen Hicken, ‘The Politics of Economic Reform in Thailand: Crisis and Compromise’, Working Paper No. 638, William Davidson Institute, Ann Arbor, MI, 2004, pp. 11–17.

49 Shawn W. Crispin, ‘The Thai military's democratic nightmare’, Asia Times, 30 November 2007.

50 A recently published article draws the conclusion that the 1997 constitution that allowed for enhanced executive power was as much responsible for Thaksin's success as the Asian financial crisis. See Prasirtsuk, Kitti, ‘From Political Reform and Economic Crisis to Coup d'etat in Thailand: The Twists and Turns of the Political Economy, 1997 – 2006’, Asian Survey, 47 (6) (November/December 2007): 872893CrossRefGoogle Scholar.