Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-rdxmf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-20T07:35:28.884Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Effective strategic narratives? Italian public opinion and military operations in Iraq, Libya, and Lebanon

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 April 2015

Fabrizio Coticchia
Fabrizio Coticchia*
Affiliation:
DIRPOLIS, Scuola Superiore Sant'Anna, Pisa, Italy Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, Florence, Italy
*
*E-mail: [email protected]
Get access

Abstract

Public attitudes are greatly shaped by the cohesiveness of the strategic narratives crafted by policy-makers in framing the national involvement in war. The literature has recently devoted growing attention toward the features that define successful strategic narratives, such as a consistent set of objectives, convincing cause–effect chains, as well as credible promises of success. This paper provides an original framework for ‘effective strategic narratives’ for the case of Italy. The military operations undertaken by Italian armed forces in Iraq, Lebanon, and Libya represent the cases through which the framework is assessed. Drawing on content and discourse analysis of political debates and data provided by public opinion surveys, this paper explores the nature of the strategic narratives and their effectiveness.

Keywords

strategic narrativespublic opinionIraqLebanonLibya
Type
Research Article
Information
Italian Political Science Review / Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica , Volume 45 , Issue 1 , March 2015 , pp. 53 - 78
Copyright
© Societá Italiana di Scienza Politica 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Antoniades, A., Miskimmon, A. and O’Loughlin, B. (2010), ‘Great powers politics and strategic narratives’, The Centre for Global Political Economy, Brighton: University of Sussex.Google Scholar
Battistelli, F. (2004), Gli italiani e la guerra, Roma: Carocci.Google Scholar
Battistelli, F. and Isernia, P. (1991), ‘Dove gli angeli non osano metter piede. Opinione pubblica e politica internazionale in Italia’, Teoria Politica 1: 81–119.Google Scholar
Battistelli, F., Galantino, M.G., Lucianetti, L.F. and Striuli, L. (2012), Opinioni sulla Guerra. L’Opinione Pubblica Italiana e Internazionale di Fronte all’Uso della Forza, Milano: Franco Angeli.Google Scholar
Berinsky, A.J. (2007), ‘Assuming the costs of war: events, elites, and American public support for military conflict’, Journal of Politics 69: 975–997.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Betz, D. (2008), ‘The virtual dimension of contemporary insurgency and counterinsurgency’, Small Wars & Insurgencies 19(4): 510–540.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Biloslavo, F. (2012), ‘Solo ora lo ammettiamo: sulla Libia pioggia di bombe italiane’, Panorama, 19 December: 30.Google Scholar
Coticchia, F. (2012), ‘Cultura Strategica e Politica di Difesa Italiana: una paradossale Securitizzazione della Pace?’, WARning 1: 133–159.Google Scholar
Coticchia, F. (2014), La guerra che non c’era. Opinione pubblica e interventi militari italiani dall'Afghanistan alla Libia, Milano: UBE Egea.Google Scholar
Coticchia, F. and de Simone, C. (2014), ‘The war that wasn’t there? Framing Italy’s peace mission in Afghanistan’, Foreign Policy Analysis (forthcoming).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
D’Alema, M. (2006), ‘A crucial test’, The Wall Street Journal Europe, 29 August: 21.Google Scholar
D’Argenio, A. (2011), ‘Bruxelles, la rabbia di Berlusconi: questi cercano di tenerci fuori’, La Repubblica, 26 March. http://www.repubblica.it/esteri/2011/03/26/news/dargenio_berlusconi-isolato-14109368/?ref=HRER1-1Google Scholar
de Graaf, B. and Dimitriu, G. (2012), ‘How counternarratives eroded support for the Dutch Military Mission in Uruzgan, 2006–2010’, 20–22 June, Edinburgh: BISA International Conference.Google Scholar
Doty, R.L. (1993), ‘Foreign policy as social construction’, International Studies Quarterly 37: 297–320.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eichenberg, R.C. (2005), ‘Victory has many friends: U.S. public opinion and the use of military force, 1981–2005’, International Security 30(1): 140–177.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Entman, R.M. (2004), Projections of Power: Framing News, Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Everts, P. (2001), ‘Introduction’, in E. Philip and P. Isernia (eds), Public Opinion and the International Use of Force, London: Routledge, pp. 1–27.Google Scholar
Feaver, P.D. and Gelpi, C. (2004), Choosing Your Battles: American Civil-Military Relations and the Use of Force, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Frattini, F. and Al-Thani, b.J. (2011), ‘Pressione militare, diplomazia, sanzioni. La nostra strategia per una Libia libera’, Il Corriere della Sera, 5 May: 48.Google Scholar
Freedman, L. (2006), The Transformation in Strategic Affairs, London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Groeling, T. and Baum, M. (2010), War Stories, the Causes and Consequences of Public Views of War, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Holsti, O.H. (1969), Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities, Reading MA: Addison-Wesley.Google Scholar
Ignazi, P., Giacomello, G. and Coticchia, F. (2012), Just Don’t Call It War. Italian Military Missions Abroad, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Isernia, P. (2001), ‘Italian public opinion and the international use of force’, in E. Philip and P. Isernia (eds), Public Opinion and the International Use of Force, London: Routledge, pp. 83–111.Google Scholar
Jakobsen, P. (2012), ‘Danes for war? Why is the Danish support for the war in Afghanistan so high?’, April, San Diego: ISA Conference.Google Scholar
Jankowski, B. (2013), ‘World narratives in a world of global information age’, IRSEM Paper No. 8. Available at: http://www.google.it/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CCIQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.defense.gouv.fr%2Fcontent%2Fdownload%2F207973%2F2306467%2Ffile%2FParis%2520Paper%2520n%25C2%25B08.pdf&ei=BuALVZ2-D-PhywOghoL4Aw&usg=AFQjCNHEeInyAIpzhtKkk9_-jtSXP2F5Ew&bvm=bv.88528373,d.bGQGoogle Scholar
Jentleson, B.W. (1992), ‘The pretty prudent public: post post-Vietnam American opinion on the use of military force’, International Studies Quarterly 36(1): 49–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Klarevas, L. (2002), ‘The essential domino of military operations: American public opinion and the use of force’, International Studies Perspectives 3(4): 417–437.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ladd, E.C. (1980), ‘Send in the marines... sometimes’, Public Opinion 3(1): 25–26.Google Scholar
Larson, E.V. (1996), Casualties and Consensus: The Historical Role of Casualties in Domestic Support for U.S. Military Operations, Santa Monica, CA: Rand.Google Scholar
Lindekilde, L. (2014), ‘Discourse and frame analysis: in-depth analysis of qualitative data’, in D. della Porta (ed.), Social Movement Research Methodological Practices in Social Movement Research, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 195–228.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lombardi, B. (2011), ‘The Berlusconi government and intervention in Libia’, The International Spectator 46(4): 31–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mannheimer, R. (2004), ‘L’ultimo dramma di Nassiriya non fa crescere i sì al ritiro’, ISPO-Allaxia, 19 May.Google Scholar
Molinari, M. (2005), ‘Martino sull’Iraq: Non scappiamo la missione è ok’, La Stampa, 14 July. http://www1.lastampa.it/Speciali/londrastrage/news/londra_MARTINO.aspGoogle Scholar
Mueller, J.E. (1973), War, Presidents, and Public Opinion, New York, NY: Wiley.Google Scholar
Nese, M. (2006), ‘Parisi: non sarà una presenza dimezzata’, Il Corriere della Sera, 13 August: 8.Google Scholar
Nigro, V. (2006), ‘D’Alema: Garantire la sicurezza di Israele costruire un Libano sovrano’, La Repubblica, 13 August. http://www.repubblica.it/2006/08/sezioni/esteri/medio-oriente-13/intervista-dalema/intervista-dalema.htmlGoogle Scholar
Nigro, V. (2008), ‘Resteremo in Libano senza cambiare le regole della missione’, La Repubblica, 14 May: 13.Google Scholar
Novazio, E. (2004), ‘Martino: in Iraq occorre un ruolo per la Nato’, La Stampa, 25 April. http://www.difesa.it/Ministro/Compiti_e_Attivita/Interviste29/2004-04/Pagine/Martino_in_Iraq_occorre_un_ruolo_pe_97Nato.aspxGoogle Scholar
Orteca, P. (2004), ‘La minaccia del terrorismo non riguarda solo gli USA, ma tutti’, Gazzetta del Sud, 7 December. http://www.difesa.it/Ministro/Compiti_e_Attivita/Interviste29/2004-12/Pagine/La_minaccia_del_terrorismo_non_rig_148tutti.aspxGoogle Scholar
Pignataro, L. (2011), ‘L’intervento militare ci ha dato ragione. Petrolio e ricostruzione, ora l'Italia è in prima fila’, Il Mattino, 21 August: 8.Google Scholar
Record, J. (1993), Hollow Victory: A Contrary View of the Gulf War, London: Brassey’s Inc.Google Scholar
Ringsmose, J. and Børgesen, B.K. (2011), ‘Shaping public attitudes towards the deployment of military power: NATO, Afghanistan and the use of strategic narratives’, European Security 20(4): 505–528.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Roselle, L. (2010), ‘Strategic narratives of war: fear of entrapment and abandonment during protracted conflict’, 7th Pan-European International Relations Conference, Stockholm. Available at: http://www.eisa-net.org/be-bruga/eisa/files/events/stockholm/Strategic%20Narratives%20of%20War.pdfGoogle Scholar
Slaughter, A.M. (2011), A National Strategic Narrative, Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.Google Scholar
Tarquinio, M. (2004), ‘Martino: all’ estero solo per dare non per prendere’, Avvenire, 10 June. http://www.difesa.it/Ministro/Compiti_e_Attivita/Interviste29/2004-06/Pagine/Martino_allestero_solo_per_dare_100prendere.aspxGoogle Scholar
Zaller, J. (1992), The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion, New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: Link

Coticchia Dataset

Dataset

http://dx.doi.org/10.7910/DVN/29136
Link