Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 July 2017
In 1939, in his book Ulster and the British empire, Henry Harrison described partition as ‘a word of evil omen. . . It implies something resembling the surgical division of a living organism—a lopping off of limbs’. A writer on the partition of Ireland, Dr Denis Gwynn, condemned it as ‘so illogical, and so harmful in its results, that it cannot continue indefinitely’, and hinted that the imperial parliament ‘which devised and imposed the present partition’ should use ‘its influence and its authority to promote agreement’. This paper, however, makes no attempt to judge the morality of what was done in 1920, nor does it suggest a means of its undoing. It examines the attitude of British conservatives to what was known as the ‘Ulster question’ at three critical phases between 1912 and 1921, with special reference to the period after 1916, it deals with Anglo-Irish relations only as they affect this theme; and it attempts to show that, as far as British conservative opinion was concerned, the fate of Ulster, or of any part of Ulster, was always secondary to what were regarded as the interests of England and of the British empire.
1 Henry Harrison. Ulster and the British empire (1939), p. 28.
2 Gwynn, D. R., The history of partition (Dublin, 1950), p. 10 Google Scholar.
3 For the sake of convenience, the expression ‘Ulster’ is here used both in its geographical sense, and also to referto the six-county area governed by the parliament of Northern Ireland since 1921.
4 Churchill, W S., Lord Randolph Churchill (2 vols, 1906), ii, 65 Google Scholar.
5 Jackson, J. A., The Irish in Britain (1963), pp 152–6 Google Scholar; Stewart, A. T. Q., The Ulster crisis (1967), pp 37, 130-8, 173Google Scholar.
6 Lyons, F S. L., ‘The Irish unionist party and the devolution crisis of 1904-5’, in I.H.S., vi, no. 21 (Mar. 1948), pp 1–22.Google Scholar
7 Mansergh, Ir question, p. 192.
8 Curtis, Coercion and conciliation, p. 395.
9 Spender, J. A., Great Britain, empire, and commonwealth, 1886-1935), (1936) p. 434 Google Scholar.
10 Blake, Robert, The unknown prime minister (1955), p. 130 Google Scholar.
11 Ibid., pp 130-31
12 Stewart, Ulster crisis, pp 134-5; Amery, L. S., My political life (3 vols, 1953, 1955), i, 440–2 Google Scholar; Gollin, A. M., Proconsul in politics: a study of Lord Milner in opposition and in power (1964), pp 184–8 Google Scholar; Long, Walter, Memories (1923), pp 193–214 Google Scholar.
13 Lord Willoughby de Broke to Bonar Law, 11 Sept. 1913 (Beaver- brook Library, Bonar Law papers, 30/2/10; hereafter cited as B.L., Law papers).
14 For an assessment of conservative motives in the home rule crisis see Blake, Unknown prime minister, pp 149-50, and Buckland, P J., ‘The southern Irish unionists, the Irish question, and British politics, 1906-14’, in I.H.S., xv, no. 59 (Mar. 1967), pp 228–55 Google Scholar.
15 Bonar Law to J. P. Croal, 18 Oct. 1913 (B.L., Law papers, 33/6/84).
16 Same to Lord Lansdowne, 8 Oct. 1913 (B.L., Law papers, 33/5/ 68).
17 The counties to be excluded were Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry, Tyrone.
18 Daily Telegraph, i3 June 1916.
19 The Times, 24 June 1916, the remaining signatories were Lord Cromer, Lord Halsbury, Lord Midleton and the marquess of Salisbury.
20 Lord St Audries to Bonar Law, 25 June 1916 (B.L., Law papers, 53/3/4).
21 Walter Long to Lloyd George, u June 1916 (B.L., Lloyd George papers, D 14/2/28).
22 Lyons, Dillon, p. 398.
23 A report of the party meeting of 7 July is in the Law papers, 63/C/64.
24 Fisher, J. R., ‘Ulster and the Irish tangle’, in Ninteteenth Century, lxxxiii (Jan.-June 1918), pp 1088–91 Google Scholar
25 Austen Chamberlain to Lloyd George, 10 Apr. 1918 (Birmingham University Library, Austen Chamberlain papers, 18/2/6; hereafter cited as B.U.L., AC).
26 L. S. Amery to Lloyd George, 1 May 1918 (B.L., Lloyd George papers, F 2/1/23); Frederick Guest estimated that 100 conservatives supported federalism in May 1918; other estimates varied between 80 and 120 (Frederick Guest to Lloyd George, 3 May 1918 (B.L., Lloyd George papers, F 21/2/20)).
27 Beckett, Mod. Ire., p. 399.
28 Lord Selborne to Austen Chamberlain, 8 May 1918 (B.U.L., AC 18/2/15).
29 Sir George Younger to J. C. G. Davidson, 3 May 1918, enclosing a bundle of replies from district agents concerning conservative opinion about Irish home rule (B.L., Law papers, 83/3/11).
30 Earl of Midleton, Records and reactions, 1856-1939 (1939), pp 253-5.
31 Mansergh, Ir. question, p. 208.
32 Colvin, Ian, The life of Lord Carson (3 vols, 1932-6), iii, 375-6Google Scholar; Hansard 5 (commons), cxvii, 485-530 (16 July 1919); Birmingham Post, 17 July 1919; Observer, 20 July 1919; Scotsman, 15 July 1919; The Times, 14 July 1919.
33 Cabinet committee on Ireland, ist report, 4 Nov. 1919 (P.R.O., G.P 56, Gab. 27/68).
34 Cabinet conclusions, 3 Dec. 1919 (P.R.O., Cab. 23/18).
35 Cabinet conclusions, 10 Dec. 1919 (P.R.O., Cab. 23/18).
36 Cabinet conclusions, 15 Dec. 1919 (P.R.O., Cab. 23/18).
37 B.L., Lloyd George papers, F 34/1/6.
38 See A. J. Balfour to Lloyd George, 10 Feb. 1920 ‘I would not trouble you with this letter had I not rather gathered that the cabinet opinion was turning against the small Ulster, as defined in the bill, to the large Ulster, which is, after all, no more than a geographical expression’ (B.L., Lloyd George papers, F 3/5/2).
39 Cabinet conclusions, 19 Dec. 1919 (P.R.O., Cab. 23/18).
40 Cabinet conclusions, 24 Feb. 1920 (P.R.O., Cab. 23/20).
41 Hansard 5 (commons), cxxiii, 1222-3 (22 Dec. 1919).
42 The Times, 11 Mar. 1920.
43 Hansard 5 (commons), cxxix, 1305-10 (18 May 1920).
44 For examples of this line of argument see Birmingham Post, 13 Nov. 1920; Leicester Mail, 24 Dec. 1920; Liverpool Courier, 28 Feb. 1920, Observer, 19 Dec. 1920; Yorkshire Post, 28 Feb. 1920.
45 Hansard 5 (commons), cxxvii, 981 (29 Mar. 1920).
46 See the correspondence between Austen Chamberlain and Walter Long, 25 and 27 Apr. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 30/1/15-16).
47 Hansard 5 (commons), cxxvii, 1132-3 (30 Mar. 1920).
48 Maxwell, Henry, Ulster was right (1934), p. 233 Google Scholar.
49 The results of the election were as follows: out of 52 seats the Ulster unionists won 40; the remaining 12 seats were equally divided between the Irish parliamentary party and Sinn Fein ( Street, C. J. G., Ireland in 1921 (1922), pp 66–8)Google Scholar.
50 London, 1922.
51 Mansergh, P N. S., The government of Northern Ireland (1936), p. 111 Google Scholar
52 Street, Ire. in 1921, p. 162.
53 The strategy of ‘staging the break ‘on Ulster is discussed fully by Pakenham, Frank, ‘The treaty negotiations’, in Williams, T Desmond (ed.), The Irish struggle, 1916-26 (1966), pp 107–15 Google Scholar; see also Pakenham, Peace by ordeal (1st N.E.L. Mentor ed., 1967), pp 153-5, 164-82.
54 Austen Chamberlain to Ivy, Lady Chamberlain, 31 Oct. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 6/1/441).
55 Same to same, 29 Oct. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 6/1/439).
56 Same to same, 2 Nov. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 6/1/447).
57 Correspondence between his majesty’s government and the prime minister of Northern Ireland relating to the proposals for an Irish settlement, pp 2-7 [Cmd 1561], H.C. 1921, 2nd session, i, 84-9.
58 Sir George Younger was chairman of unionist party organisation; Sir Leslie Wilson was chief unionist whip.
59 Austen Chamberlain to Sir George Younger and Sir Leslie Wilson, 8 Nov. 1921 (B.U.L., AG 31/3/4.oa-b); Younger and Wilson to Cham berlain, 9 Nov. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 31/3/41-2).
60 Austen Chamberlain to Lloyd George, 11 Nov. 1921 (B.L., Lloyd George papers, F 7/4/31); Chamberlain was here referring to the occasion when, on 19 Oct., the pope sent his wishes for the success of the Irish peace conference to King George V; the king replied in kind, and hoped that the negotiations would settle ‘the troubles in Ireland’, and inaugurate a new era of happiness for ‘my people ‘; this elicited an indignant telegram from de Valera which pointed out that the ‘troubles’ were not in Ireland, but were between Ireland and Great Britain, and denied that Irishmen owed allegiance to the British king (Street, Ire. in 1921, pp 238-9).
61 The Times, 8 Nov. 1921
62 Daily Telegraph, 14 Nov. 1921.
63 Daily Express, 12 Nov., 1921.
64 Glasgow Herald, 16 Aug. and 12 Nov. 1921.
65 Birmingham Post, 17 Nov. 1921; Scotsman, 11 Nov. 192 1.
66 Yorkshire Post, 9 Nov. 1921
67 Street, Ire. in 1921 p. 246; The Times, 30 Nov. 1921.
68 Birmingham Post, 14 Nov. 1921.
69 Daily Mail, 8 Nov. 1921; Daily Express, 8 Nov. 1921
70 The Times, 10 Nov. 1921.
71 J. P Croal to Austen Chamberlain, 15 Nov. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 31/3/30).
72 The Times, 19 Nov. 1921
73 Ibid.
74 Sir Harry Hope to Austen Chamberlain, 12 Nov. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 31/3/21).
75 Austen Chamberlain to Hilda (his sister), 13 Nov. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 5/1/220).
76 Speech by Lieutenant-Colonel Archer-Shee, 17 Nov. 1921 (reported in The Times, 18 Nov. 1921).
77 Salvidge, Stanley, Salvidge of Liverpool (1934), pp 199–200 Google Scholar.
78 Austen Chamberlain to Ivy, 4 Nov. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 6/1/449), and same to same, 7 Nov. 1921 (AC 6/1/455).
79 D. C. Thomson to Bonar Law, 12 Nov. 1921 (B.L., Law papers, 107/1 /64).
80 This point is noted by Gallagher, Frank, The Anglo-Irish treaty, ed. O’Neill, T. P. (1965), p. 117 Google Scholar
81 Report of an Ulster unionist meeting in Belfast on 16 Nov. 1921, in Annual Reg., 1921, p. 133.
82 Sir George Younger to Austen Chamberlain, 9 Nov. 1921 (B.U.L., AC 31/3/42).
83 Peter B. M. Roberts to Bonar Law, 1 Dec. 1921, enclosing copy of a letter from Law to J. P Groal, 12 Nov. 1921 (B.L., Law papers, 107/1/83).
84 The Times, 15 Nov. 19-21; see also the file of letters in the Austen Chamberlain papers (B.U.L., AC 26/3/1-9).
85 Pakenham, Peace by ordeal, pp 220-49.
86 For the subsequent history of the boundary commission see Gwynn, History of partition, ch. vii and ix.
87 The Times, 30 Nov. 1921.
88 J. R. Fisher to Sir James Craig, n.d., in St John Erviné, Craigavon: Ulsterman (1949), pp 481-2.
89 Lord Grewe to J. L. L. Hammond, 24 Apr. 1942 (Bodl., Hammond papers, vol. 27, f. 87).