Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2022
The research for this paper was carried out while the author was a lecturer at Leeds University Business School, and he wishes to thank them for their support. This paper is based on research commissioned by the UNRISD on social policy in MENA region. Their financial support is greatly appreciated. Thanks are also due to Val Moghadam, Massoud Karshenas, Iraj Seyf, and the editor and anonymous referees of Iranian Studies for their comments and encouragement. The responsibility for any remaining errors is mine alone.
1 Franklin, J., (ed.) Social Policy and Social Justice (Oxford, 1998.)Google Scholar.
2 The importance of this period in producing a modernizing agenda for reform in the twentieth century has been acknowledged in recent writings on the early twentieth century Iran. See for example, Cronin, S., ed., The Making of Modern Iran (London, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Gough, I., “What are Human Needs?” in J., Franklin, (ed.) Social Policy and Social Justice (Oxford, 1998)Google Scholar.
4 Blakemore, K., Social Policy: an Introduction (Buckingham, 1998)Google Scholar.
5 Sobotinskii, L.A., ‘Persiya: Statistiko-ekonomicheskii ocherk’, (Saint Petersburg, 1913): 11–18Google Scholar. Reprinted in Issawi, C., (ed.) The Economic History of Iran 1800–1914 (Chicago, 1971)Google Scholar. Bharier, J., Economic Development of Iran 1900–1970 (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar. The figure of ten million in early twentieth century is probably an underestimate if we take account of famine related deaths of 1917–1919 period. According to Majd, the figure should be twenty million on the basis of estimates of urban population by Sobotinskii. Majd claims that the famine of 1917–1919 killed half the population, an exaggeration surely that does not tally well with the evidence provided in his otherwise useful overview of famine in that period. See Majd, M.G., The Great Famine and Genocide in Persia, 1917–1919 (Lanham, MD, 2003)Google Scholar.
6 For an insight to the aspirations of revolutionaries see Katouzian, H., The Political Economy of Modern Iran: Despotism and Pseudo-Modernism, 1926–1979 (London, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ch. 4.
7 See Article 19 of the first Iranian constitution. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran (passed in 1980 with amendments in 1989). Collected and organized by J. Mansoor (Tehran, 2000).
8 Much of this section draws on the excellent work of Abrahamian, E., Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton, 1982)Google Scholar.
9 Abrahamian, E., Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton, 1982)Google Scholar; Bharier, J., Economic Development of Iran 1900–1970 (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar.
10 On the general economic situation in this period and planning initiatives, see Baldwin, G. B., Planning and Development in Iran (Baltimore, 1967)Google Scholar and Amouzegar, J. and Fekrat, M. A., Economic Development under Dualistic Condition (Chicago, 1971)Google Scholar. On the agrarian question in this period, see, e.g., Momeni, B., Mas'leh-e Arzi va Jang-e Tabaghati dar Iran [The Argrarian Question and Class Struggle in Iran] (Tehran, 1359 [1980]): 100–109Google Scholar and M. Sodagar, Roshd-e Sarma-ye dari dar Iran (Marhaleh Enteghali 1304–1340) [Expansion of Capitalism in Iran (the Transition Period)] (Tehran, n.d., 1358? 1978?): 165–180. For Farsi sources, dates in square brackets refer to the equivalent Georgian calendar for Iranian Shamsi (solar) calendar.
11 For further details, see Lajevardi, H., Labor Unions and Autocracy in Iran (Syracuse, 1985)Google Scholar.
12 Mo'aseseh-e ‘Ali-e Pajouhesh-e T'amin-e Ejtema'i, Nezam-e Jam'e Refah va T'amin-e Ejtema'i (Kholaseh-e Gozaresh) (Tehran, 1378)Google Scholar [Institute for Social Security Research (ISSR) A Comprehensive Plan for Social Security and Welfare (Summary Report) (Tehran, 1999)]. Hereafter referred to as ISSR, 1999.
13 See Jalil, T., Workers of Iran: Repression and the Fight for Democratic Trades Unions in Iran (London, 1976)Google Scholar. See also Keddie, N. R., Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution (New Haven and London, 2003)Google Scholar, ch. 7; and Halliday, F., Iran: Dictatorship and Development (Harmondsworth, 1979)Google Scholar: ch. 7.
14 For further details on land reform, see, e.g., Momeni, Opcit., ch. 2: 257–337; Lambton, A. K. S., The Persian Land Reform 1962–1966 (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar; Khosravi, Kh., The Peasant Question, the Agrarian Question in Iran [Mas'leh Dehghani, Mas'leh Arzi dar Iran] (Tehran: 1979 [1356]);Google Scholar and Messkoub, M., Rural Urban Migration in Iran since 1960 (University of London, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis)Google Scholar.
15 This was in conjunction with the so-called “White Revolution” (as a counter balance to the left's red revolution) that, besides the Land Reform, had major social policy objectives such as reducing rural illiteracy (through Literacy Corps), improving health of rural population (through Health Corps), and extending the franchise to women.
16 Bharier, J., Economic Development of Iran 1900–1970 (Oxford, 1971), 90–95Google Scholar.
17 Keshvar, Salnameh-e Amari-e 1351 (Tehran: 1352)Google Scholar [Statistical Yearbook 1972, (Tehran, 1973)]: 680. Hereafter referred to as SYB followed by its Year, e.g. SYB 1351[1972].
18 Pesaran, M. H., “Income Distribution and Its Major Determinants in Iran” in Jacqz, J., ed., Iran: Past, Present and Future (New York, 1976)Google Scholar.
19 SYB 1351 [1972]: 656.
20 SYB 1355 [1976]: 81.
21 SYB 1359 [1980]: 62.
22 Daneshgah-e Tehran, Sima-ye Behdaasht va Darmaan dar Iran (Tehran, n.d., 1353?) [Tehran University, An Overview of Hygiene and Medical Services in Iran (Tehran, n.d., 1974?)].
23 Ronaghi, H.A., Cahill, K., and Baker, T. D., “Physician Migration to the United States: One Country's Transfusion is Another Country's Hemorrhage” in Momeni, J. A., ed., The Population of Iran: A Selection of Readings (Honolulu and Shiraz, 1977)Google Scholar.
24 SYB 1351 [1972].
25 SYB 1351 [1972]: 660, SYB 1355 [1976]: 532.
26 SYB 1379 [1980]: 109–110.
27 There were also big gaps between rural and urban areas when it came to access to clean water. In the mid-1970s, ninety percent of urban households had access to clean piped water with the figure for rural areas being only twenty-two percent. The vast majority of rural population relied on a combination of public reservoirs, tube wells, qanats and natural fountains, all of which had variable drinking quality.
28 Abrahamian, E., Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton, 1982), 449Google Scholar. See also Pesaran, M. H., “Income Distribution and Its Major Determinants in Iran” in Jacqz, J. (ed.), Iran: Past, Present and Future (New York, 1976)Google Scholar.
29 For further discussion of problems of providing social services in rural areas, see A. Hall and J. Midgley, Social Policy for Development (London, 2004) 3:87–108 that also contains a useful discussion of rural livelihood approach to the problems of rural poverty and deprivation. In Iran, land reform and rural development under “the White Revolution” were seen as major policy initiatives that would pull the mass of rural population out of poverty enabling them to enjoy higher standard of living. For a summary of official Iranian views on this issue, see Momeni, J.A. (ed.), The Population of Iran: A Selection of Readings (Honolulu and Shiraz, 1977): 216–221Google Scholar.
30 Note that “workers” as “wage earners” are distinguished from “salary earners” (including the civil servants and private sector office workers) in the official Iranian statistics. A large proportion of civil servants were covered by their ministries’ health and insurance programmes. For further details, see below.
31 Figures based on SYB 1355 [1975], table 11, p. 60 and table 4, p. 184.
32 SYB 1355 [1976]: 70, and Census 1355 [1976] (National Census of Population and Housing 1355. (Tehran: 1359 [1980]): 55.
33 See Issawi, C., “The Iranian Economy 1925-1975: Fifty Years of Economic Development,” in Lenczowski, G. (ed.) Iran under the Pahlavis (Stanford, 1978)Google Scholar and SYB 1351 [1972]: 141–149.
34 Ghabel, Ahmad, Eslam van T'amin-e Ejtema'i: Mabani va Rahkarha-ye Hemayati va Bimeh-I dar Quran, Ravayaat, Akhlagh va Feqh-e Eslami [Islam and Social Security: Foundations, Supportive and Insurance Means in Quran, the Traditions, Ethic and Jurisprudence of Islam] (Tehran, 1384 [2005]): 92–96Google Scholar.
35 Karami, M. M. and Poormand (Nabizadeh), M., Mabani-ye Feqhiye Eqtesad-e Eslami [The Islamic Jurisprudence Foundations of the Islamic Economics] (Tehran, 1383 [2004]) 6:147–168Google Scholar. Also see Pajouheshkadeh-e Howzeh va Daneshgah [a research institute that has brought scholar from various theological schools and universities together], Dar Amadi bar Eqtesad-e Eslami [An Introduction to Islamic Economics] (Tehran, 1380 [2001]): 227–352.
36 SYB 1379 [2000]: 621.
37 UNICEF/IRPD, Government Spending on Basic Social Services and Its Share of GDP and Total Government Budget in the Islamic Republis of Iran 1971–1999, (Tehran, 2000).
38 The share of Social Affairs in GDP, however, has shown a marginal increase since the Revolution. It has gone up from a median of eight percent in the 1970s to a median of ten percent in later decades.
39 SYB 1379 [2000]: 671.
40 ISSR, 2000.
41 UNICEF/IRPD, 2000, op cit.: table 8.1, p. 66. All the data in the UNICEF/IRPD report on social spending on basic social services are based on primary data published by Plan and Budget Organization, Statistical Center of Iran and Central Bank of Iran.
42 SYB 1379 [2000]: 105, 493.
43 SYB 1379 [2000]: 478–481.
44 SYB 1379 [2000]: 99, 479.
45 SYB 1379 [2000]: 478–9.
46 [Institute for Social Security Research (ISSR) A Comprehensive Plan for Social Security and Welfare (Summary Report) (Tehran, 1999)].
47 ISSR, 1999: 44–46.
48 For contribution rate and exemptions see ISSR, 2000. Most of the concessionary rates have a built-in social control by the ruling clerical establishment and the organizations that they control. Some of the concessionary rates (like those applied to the poor) have to be approved by Emam Khomieni Assistance Committee. In the case of war veterans and families of those killed in the war, approval is given by the Foundation for the Oppressed and the Foundation of the Martyr, respectively.
49 ISSR, 1999: 44–46.
50 ISSR, 1999: 44–46.
51 SYB 1379 [2000]: 462–468.
52 For further details, see ISSR, 2000.
53 During the war, a large part of the state's rationing and distribution activities were organized through mosques and other religious establishments that strengthened the social control of the religious hierarchy.
54 ISSR, 1999: 67–68.
55 SYB 1379 [2000].
56 Interview given by Mr. Zangeneh, B. (the then oil minister) to the Rooznameh-e Zan 11 Azar 1377 [Woman Daily, Nov. 1998]Google Scholar, quoted in Mortaji, H., Jenah-ha-ye Sisasi dar Iran-e Emrooz [Political Factions in Today's Iran]. (Tehran, 1378 [1999])Google Scholar.
57 ISSR, 1999: 44–46.
58 SYB 1355 [1976]: 117.
59 SYB 1379 [2000]: 477.
60 SYB 1379 [2000].
61 ISSR, 1999: 44–46.
62 For further details, see www.iran-bonyad.org and J. Amuzegar, Iran's Economy under Islamic Republic, (London, 1993), 100–102).
63 SYB 1379 [2000].
64 ISSR, 1999: 44–46.
65 Rahnama, S., “Continuity and Change in Industrial Policy,” in Rahnama, S. and Behdad, S. (eds), Iran After Revolution: Crisis of an Islamic State (London, 1995)Google Scholar.
66 Rahnama, S., “Continuity and Change in Industrial Policy,” in Rahnama, S. and Behdad, S. (eds), Iran After Revolution: Crisis of an Islamic State (London, 1995), 62Google Scholar.
67 www.shahid.ir (28 October 2005).
68 UNDP, Human Development Report 2000 (Oxford, 2000).
69 SYB 1379 [2000]; Human Development Report 2000 (Oxford, 2000); UNDP, Human Development Report 2002 (Oxford, 2002).