Preventing the spread of nuclear weapons is one facet of the problem of preventing nuclear war, a problem which has engaged the statesmen of the world ever since the dust of the Nagasaki explosion settled. In the Truman-Attlee-King declaration of November 15, 1945, the President of the United States, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, and the Prime Minister of Canada proposed that the United Nations set up a commission to study how atomic energy could be controlled so as to limit its use to peaceful purposes, how atomic weapons could be eliminated from national armaments, and how safeguards could be set up so as to ensure that all nations would comply widi the obligations which they undertook to these ends. Thus fell to the United Nations one of the most intractable problems of international organization, a problem which might be looked on as the creation of a new sphere of international law.

Council The Ministerial Council of the Baghdad Pact held its second session in Teheran from April 16 to 19, 1956. The United States observer delegation was headed by Deputy Under Secretary of State Loy Henderson; the choice of Mr. Henderson, was reported to emphasize the importance attached by the United States to the pact, and to have been a direct response to diplomatic pressure from the United Kingdom. During the session, the question of United States participation in the pact through economic aid to the members was reported as a major focus of interest, and on April 18 the United States was reported to have become a full member of the Pact's Economic Committee, having agreed to contribute in technical advice and personnel and possibly in new equipment. Mr. Henderson was reported to have told the Council that the United States was prepared to discuss supplementing its programs of bilateral aid to member countries with a program of broader economic cooperation coordinated through the pact, thus meeting, according to the press, one of the major requests of the member countries. The delegates were reported to have reached unanimous agreement on a plan for combined efforts to combat subversion in member countries, as put forward by the Liaison Committee and the Counter-Subversion Committee; the crux of the plan was reported to be an agreement to form an international security organization to pool the information and resources of member countries, including combined police resources. The recommendations of the Economic Committee and of the Secretary-General for a permanent secretariat were also reported to have been unanimously approved.

Although ours is an age of transnational economic and political forces, itis even more an age of intense and intensifying nationalism. In fact, taken as a whole, the twentieth century has been a time of political fragmentation and disintegration. Much of the handiwork of political integration that characterized the nineteenth century has been undone and much else is under severe strain. The empires and multiethnic states that formerly provided order and unity over much of the globe have been destroyed. Once stable societies like Belgium, Canada, and the United States have become subject to severe internal strain. Yet despite the prevalence of this phenomenon, very few political scientists have studied from a systematic perspective the process of political disintegration.

The twelfth session of the Assembly of the World Health Organization (WHO) was held in Geneva, from May 12 to May 29, I959. In his inaugural address, the President of the Assembly, Sir John Charles, spoke of the tasks of the individual worker and of WHO in the field of medical research, stating that the task of the former ended with the presentation of his information, thereby enabling WHO to enter the field of medical research through its contribution—just as important and quite apart from its own research in fields such as tuberculosis and the virus diseases—in the way of coordination and communication. The Director-General, introducing his report on the work of WHO during 1958, observed that, as 1958 had marked the tenth anniversary of the organization, it was natural that the year's activities had been viewed in the light of progress made during the entire decade. He recalled that great strides had been taken in the eradication of malaria and smallpox, but stressed the fact that WHO's goal could not be accomplished without world-wide eradication: as long as malaria or smallpox survived in a single country it constituted a danger for all. He also spoke of the intensified international program of medical research, in which the WHO fellowship program was playing an important role, and of the problem of environmental sanitation, with regard to which WHO had failed in its attempt to arouse public interest.

The fifteenth session of the Assembly of the World Health Organization (WHO) was held in Geneva from May 8 to 25, 1962, under the presidency of Dr. S. V. Kurashov (Minister of Health of the Soviet Union). The Assembly approved an effective working budget of $29,956,000 for 1963, representing an increase of $5,092,200 over the figure for 1962.

Edwin Ginn, successful publisher of educational books, philanthropist, and founder of the World Peace Foundation, gave much thought to the problem of world peace and believed that he knew the answer. He was convinced that world peace, as he understood it, was highly desirable, was attainable, and was likely to be achieved in the not too distant future. To this achievement he devoted a third of the wealth accumulated during a lifetime of demonstrated business capacity and acumen. So confident was he of the correctness of his analysis of the peace problem that he stipulated in his will the use to be made, after world peace was attained, of the fund which he provided for the support of his World Peace Foundation. His trustees were charged with the duty of recognizing the attainment of peace and then transferring the fund to the support of his other favorite philanthropy, the Charlesbank Homes, which he expected to flourish in a peaceful world.

1948 and 1949 were critical years of decision for many European nations caught in a web of events of such significance and suddenness as to call into question in a matter of months political traditions and concepts whose roots reached well back into die nineteenth century. Faced with the expanding east-west conflict, many countries felt themselves not only endangered and forced to look to their military defenses, but also obliged to choose one side or the other in die developing struggle.

How effective are states at assessing and predicting the nuclear intentions of foreign countries? Drawing on close to 200 US assessments of foreign countries’ proliferation intentions between 1957 and 1966, this research note finds that close to 80 percent of testable US assessments were correct and that they shifted from highly inaccurate in the late 1950s to highly accurate in the 1960s. Based on quantitative and qualitative analysis, I conclude that learning from early failures led the intelligence community to achieve higher accuracy.

What motivates politicians and political parties to shift their positioning on an issue? Focusing on the case of trade policy in countries with advanced economies and plurality electoral systems, I argue that the relative positioning of parties on an existing issue can change even when the preferences of the key actors (voters and politicians) are held constant, and even when party leaders continue to represent the same constituencies. In advanced plurality countries, college-educated voters support free trade, and high-density constituencies are predominantly represented by Left incumbents. As college-educated workers migrate to high-density constituencies in pursuit of higher wages, Left incumbents increasingly embrace free trade, while Right incumbents take more protectionist positions. I provide empirical support for several observable implications of my theory.

Most autocracies restrict emigration yet still allow some citizens to exit. How do these regimes decide who can leave? We argue that many autocracies strategically target anti-regime actors for emigration, thereby crafting a more loyal population without the drawbacks of persistent co-optation or repression. However, this generates problematic incentives for citizens to join opposition activity to secure exit. In response, autocracies simultaneously punish dissidents for attempting to emigrate, screening out all but the most determined opponents. To test our theory, we examine an original data set coded from over 20,000 pages of declassified emigration applications from East Germany's state archives. In the first individual-level test of an autocracy's emigration decisions, we find that active opposition promoted emigration approval but also punishment for applying. Pensioners were also more likely to secure exit, and professionals were less likely. Our results shed light on global migration's political sources and an overlooked strategy of autocratic resilience.

To be criticized for not laboring the obvious should perhaps be regarded as a compliment. As careful readers of my article will undoubtedly be aware, I do not assume that governments enter into the United Nations political process “only as objects or implementors of United Nations action after the outputs have been determined by the Organization.” (Kay, p. 952.) My point is quite different: that outcomes in international organizations such as the General Assembly depend not only on governmental interaction but also on the context within which such interaction takes place. Organizational variables help to define that context. Since so many writers have ignored organizational variables in analyzing international organizations, I have attempted, as I said, to “redress the balance”—”without denying the less-onesided formulations of realist theory.” (Keohane, footnote 3.)

In his Introduction to the Annual Report of the Secretary-General on the Work of the Organization, 16 June 1964–15 June 1965 Secretary-General U Thant noted that the ten months under review had without doubt been difficult ones in the history of the United Nations. The opening date of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly had been postponed several times and, when it did meet, it had been unable to follow the normal rules of procedure due to the controversy over the applicability of Article 59 of the UN Charter. Another regrettable development of direct concern to the UN had been the announcement by Indonesia of its decision to withdraw from the Organization as from January 1, 1965.

Economic and social cooperation through the United Nations seems destined to face new challenges and alternatives in the coming years as a result of the changed composition of the United Nations membership, the increased bargaining power of the African, Asian, and other states seeking economic and technical assistance, and the precedent of UN operations in the Congo.

The third Arab-Israeli war, June 5–10, 1967, has been variously described as the first major conventional war between a modern state and a not-yet-modern society, as an instance of Western imperial aggression by proxy, or as a tragic ritual of the ineluctable Middle Eastern war game. Some analysts see it is as a prelude to a Vietnam-style people's war of liberation or even a nuclear war, those more optimistic as an end to all war in the Middle East. The third Arab-Israeli war is thus likely to be studied with interest by historians, strategists, military sociologists, political scientists, and even by armaments sellers.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has played a central role in the regeneration of West Germany since die Second World War, with the accession of die Federal Republic to NATO in May 1955 marking the official return of Germany to the company of civilized nations. West Germany, in turn, has become a not inconsequential member of the treaty organization. The bulk of NATO'S defense forces is located in die Federal Republic; an increasing amount of NATO'S military contribution is German; and the most controversial issue in Europe confronting the organization stems direcdy from die division of Germany and the exposed position of Berlin.

The eighth annual report of the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), Europe To-Day and in 1960, was made public in April 1957. The report was divided in three parts: Volume I dealt with Europ to-day, Volume II, with Europe in 1960 and Volume III consisted of surveys of the economic situations in the individual member countries.

The United Nations at the time of this writing has emerged from a period of uncertainty engendered by the Soviet boycotts beginning in January 1950, into blazing prominence as a fast-acting agency for suppressing armed aggression. Many of the questions raised during the first four years of its existence concerning its vitality and effectiveness as the center of a collective security system have now been dramatically answered. Its forms have altered with experience, and by analogy to our Constitution, its action in response to the armed invasion of the Republic of Korea constitutes a precedent which may rank with Chief Justice Marshall's most momentous decisions. Whatever new directions the organization and its Charter may take in response to the dynamics of the world society they represent, it is indisputable that this new parlimentary form of conducting international affairs has conclusively proved its worth and its indispensability to the future of the international community.

The resumed 32nd session of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), comprising the 1183d–1186th meetings inclusive, was held in New York on December 21 and 22, 1961, under the presidency of Mr. E. Penteado (Brazil). In the 1183d meeting Mr. Franzi (Italy) introduced a draft resolution proposing that the Republic of San Marino be admitted to the Convention on Road Traffic signed at Geneva on September 19, 1959. The resolution was adopted unanimously. The delegate from Afghanistan then submitted a draft resolution proposing the inclusion of the Mongolian People's Republic in the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE). The draft resolution was adopted with no dissenting votes. Resolutions inviting Switzerland's attendance in a consultative capacity at sessions of ECAFE and the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) were unanimously approved. A resolution was adopted maintaining the present membership of the executive committee of the Program of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees until the General Assembly had decided on the future of the Office of the High Commissioner. Mrs. Mironova (Soviet Union) explained her delegation's abstention on the vote for the resolution on the grounds that she saw no reason for the further existence of the executive committee, since all the camps for refugees in Europe would soon be closed and the refugees resettled. She expressed the Soviet delegation's view that the countries where the refugees were living could be made responsible for them.

In terms of the opening phrase of the Charter of the United Nations—“We the peoples of the United Nations”—the dominant image which comes to mind is that of Asia. Though not all the countries of Asia are Members of the United Nations—notably Korea, Vietnam, and now Indonesia—the Asian peoples of the United Nations (including the Chinese) not only greatly exceed in numbers those from any of the other major areas of the world but considerably outnumber all the peoples from these areas taken together.