Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
How is it, that among the countless technological innovations in weaponry, chemical weapons stand out as weapons that carry the stigma of moral illegitimacy. To provide an adequate account of the prohibitionary norm against chemical weapons use, one must understand the meanings that have served to constitute and delegitimize this category of weapons. Such an account is provided by genealogy, a method that examines the interpretive practices around which moral orders are constructed and behaviors are defined as normal or unacceptable. The genealogical method yields insights that illuminate neglected dimensions of the chemical weapons taboo: namely, the roles that contingency, domination, and resistance have played in the operation of this norm as a symbol of “uncivilized” conduct in international relations.
Earlier drafts of this article were presented at Cornell University's Peace Studies Program; a Social Science Research Council/MacArthur workshop on norms and national security, Ithaca, New York, February 1993; and the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, D.C., 2–5 September 1993. I thank those who commented on the paper at those forums, as well as Joseph Camilleri, Peter Katzenstein, Stephen Krasner, Judith Reppy, Christian Reus-Smit, Henry Shue, Daniel Thomas, Alexander Wendt, Mark Zacher, and three anonymous reviewers, all of whom provided valuable comments on various versions of this project. I gratefully acknowledge the support of a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada doctoral fellowship. The epigraph is from Nietzsche, Friedrich, Beyond Good and Evil, trans. Kaufmann, Walter (New York: Vintage Books, 1966), aphorism 108Google Scholar.
1. This article will confine itself to a discussion of chemical weapons and will not directly address biological weapons.
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19. In a similar spirit, the first volume of the SIPRI study argues that while many factors prevented the use of CW, “at a deeper level, there was the whole question of accepting gas as a weapon of war, with all the institutional and psychological disturbances that this would involve.” See Ibid., p. 331.
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78. The turnaround in assessments of gas warfare by these propagandists was remarkable. In contrast to earlier warnings of the catastrophic potential of CW, see the revised assessments by members of the U.S. Chemical Warfare Service in New York Times, 10 September 1926, p. 6; and 26 November 1926, p. 12. In a moment of unsurpassed irony, the president of the American Chemical Society declared that the widespread feeling against gas was the result of hysteria and propaganda. See New York Times, 11 December 1926, p. 3.
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80. This argument parallels the case made by David Campbell that representations of “outside” threats are endemic to all states in the ongoing process of securing national identities. These depictions of danger are not simply the response to objective conditions but involve the interpretive scripting of danger through political discourse. See Campbell, David, Writing Security (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992).Google Scholar
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