Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 April 2009
Over the years, a number of important studies have been written on aspects of premodern travel in the Islamic world. Most of the literature examining the travel circuits of Ottoman/Arab bureaucrats, scholars, and merchants inevitably gives rise to the question of communal self-awareness and identity. How did pre-modern travelers envisage themselves and the “other”? What allowed some of them to create “imagined communities” of like-minded sojourners, incorporating space, ideology, and shared origin into a notion of exclusive commonality? How did travel contribute to the emergence of theories of “national” exceptionalism from among the fluid traditions of de-centralized imperial control? Why was it that the most favored classes in the empire's provinces were usually the first to register their unease with the status quo and to experiment with different levels of self-perception and identity? Benedict Anderson's thesis on pre-modern travel is instructive on all of these issues. His point of departure is that the frequent journeys of provincial functionaries, bureaucrats, and scholars, whether to perform the obligations of religious pilgrimage or to oversee the administrative needs of empire, paradoxically provided indigenous elites aspiring for representation and recognition in the mother country (or empire) with the catalyst for the development of a wider sense of identification with their home regions. Finding their desires for increased mobility thwarted by the central power, provincial elites in 18th-century Spanish America eventually chose the way of armed resistance to regain control of what was now perceived to be a “common” destiny.
Author's note: This article was first presented at a MESA panel in Washington, D.C., in 1995. I thank all the participants of the panel. I am especially grateful to Professor William Ochsenwald for his comments. I also thank Dr. Edward Mitchell, Paul Powers, and the anonymous reviewers of IJMES for their insights. Needless to say, I am solely responsible for any errors in the text.
1 Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London and New York: Verso, 1991), 4–7.Google Scholar
2 Ibid., 47–65.
3 Foucault, Michel, “Two Lectures,” in Culture/Power/History: A Reader in Contemporary Social Theory, ed. Dirks, Nicholas B., Eley, Geoff, and Ortner, Sherry B. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994), 200–21.Google Scholar
4 Al-Suwaidī's Riḥla is available in several versions. The original, penned by Shaykh ʿAbdullah al- Suwaidi, is still in manuscript form. A shorter, anonymous version was written by one of his sons, most probably ʿAbdul-Raḥmān al-Suwaīdi, and is also in manuscript. The section of the original manuscript in which ʿAbdullah al-Suwaidī recounts his debates with the Persian and Afghan ulema in Najaf was edited and published separately in Egypt. See ʿAbdullāh ibn Ḥusaīn ibn Mirʿi ibn Nāṣir al-Dīn al-ʿAbbāsī al- Suwaidī, “Al-nafḥa al-miskīyya fī al-riḥla al-makkiyya” (The Fragrant Breeze of Musk in the Meccan Journey), British Library, London, or. ms. add. 23385; “Narratio Obsessionis”, British Library or. ms. add. 7337; and al-Suwaidī, ʿAbdullāh, Muʾtamar al-Najaf (The Najaf Conference), with an introduction by Muḥyi-al-Dīn al-Khatīb (Cairo: Salafiya Press, 1973).Google Scholar
5 Voll, John, Islam: Continuity and Change in the Modern World (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1982), 62.Google Scholar
6 Voll, , Islam, 37Google Scholar.
7 al-Alūsī, Abu Thanāʾ, Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb wa nuzhat al-albāb fī al-dhihāb wa al-iqāma wa aliyāb (The Book of Marvels of Expatriation and the Promenade of Essence in the Departure, Residence and Return) (Baghadad: Shahbander Press, 1909).Google Scholar
8 Abou-El-Haj, Rifʿat Ali, Formation of the Modern State: The Ottoman Empire, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), 1–28;Google Scholar and Fleischer, Cornell H., Bureaucrat and Intellectual: The Historian Mustafa Ali: 1541–1600 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), 230–31.Google Scholar
9 Al-Suwaidī, , “Al-nafḥa al-miskiyya,” fol. 133–38.Google Scholar
10 Al-Alūsi portrays himself as “a bird in a cage” in Baghdad and hopes that, as soon as his situation is ameliorated by imperial irāda, he will regain his “verdant living … and render the faces of [his enemies] blue [with anger].” See al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 226–28.Google Scholar
11 Al-Suwaidī, , “Al-nafḥa al-miskiyya, fol. 3–5.Google Scholar
12 al-Murādī, Muḥammad Khalīl, Silk al-durarfi aʿyān al-qarn al-thāni ʿashr (The String of Pearls on the Notables of the Twelfth Century) (Baghdad: Al-Muthanna Press, n.d.), 3:84–86.Google Scholar
13 Ibid.
14 Foran, John, “The Long Fall of the Safavid Dynasty: Moving Beyond the Standard Views,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 24 (05 1992): 281–304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
15 Voll, , Islam, 83.Google Scholar
16 Hamid Algar has published an excellent analysis of the whole episode in his article “Shiʿism and Iran in the Eighteenth Century,” in Studies in Eighteenth Century Islamic History, ed. Naff, T. and Owen, R. (Carbondale, III.: Southern Illinois University Press, 1977), 288–403.Google Scholar See also Enayat, Hamid, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Austin: University of Texas at Austin, 1982), 39–41;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Cole, J. R. I., Roots of North Indian Shiʿism in Iran and Iraq (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988),30–32.Google Scholar
17 Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought, 18–31.Google Scholar
18 Ibid., 40.
19 Hamid Algar has argued that Nadir Shah's reasons for sponsoring the Jaʿfari madhhab were, in the main, political. Because Twelver Shiʿism was closely identified with the Safavids, a modified Shiʿism, more akin to Sunni precepts, might be more easily adopted as Nadir's credo, as well as appease his troops, who were for the most part Sunni Afghans and Turcomans. Finally, Nadir's “ambitions went beyond the boundaries of Iran [and] the profession of Shiʿism, which had become closely identified with Iran in the Safavid period, would have been inappropriate for the ruler of a broader Islamic realm.” See Algar, , “Shiʿism and Iran,” 298–99Google Scholar
20 Voll, , Islam, 34–39.Google Scholar
21 Al-Suwaidī, , “Al-nafḥa al-miskiyya,” fol. 55–112.Google Scholar
22 Ibid., fol. 133–37.
23 Ibid., fol. 134–37.
24 Rafeq, Abdul-Karim, The Province of Damascus, 1723–1783 (Beirut: Khayats Press, 1966), 98–101;Google Scholar and idem, “Changes in the Relationship Between the Ottoman Central Administration and the Syrian Provinces from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries,” in Studies, 60–73.Google Scholar
25 Hourani, Albert, A History of the Arab Peoples (Cambridge: Belknap, 1991), 236–37.Google Scholar
26 Voll, , Islam, 58–59.Google Scholar
27 Ibid., 64.
28 Zilfi, Madeleine C., The Politics of Piety: The Ottoman Ulema in the Post-Classical Age (1600–1800) (Minneapolis: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1988), 129–235.Google Scholar
29 Ibid., 229.
30 ʿAbdul-Raḥmān ibn ʿAbdullāh al-Suwaidī, “Ḥadīqat al-zawrāʿ fi sīrat al-wuzarāʾ” (The Garden of Baghdad in the Biographies of Governors), ms. or. add. 18507, British Library, London, fol. 122.Google Scholar
31 Ibid.
32 Al-Suwaidī, , “Al-nafḥa al-miskiyya,” fol. 162–65.Google Scholar
33 Ibid., fol. 135–37.
34 Ibid., fol. 195.
35 Ibid., fol. 196.
36 Alorabi, Abdul Rahman, “The Ottoman Policy in the Hijaz in the Eighteenth Century: A Study of Political and Administrative Developments, 1143–1202” (Ph.D. diss., University of Utah, 1988), 75–77.Google Scholar
37 Al-Suwaidī, , “Al-nafḥa al-miskiyya,” fol. 38–39, 196.Google Scholar
38 Ibid., fol. 24.
39 Voll, , Islam, 56.Google Scholar
40 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 5.Google Scholar
41 For more information on the origin and development of the Naqshbandi ṭarīqa, see Abu-Manneh, Butrus, “The Naqshbandiyya–Mujaddidiyya in the Ottoman Lands in the Early Nineteenth Century,” Die Welt des Islams 22 (1984).Google Scholar
42 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 15.Google Scholar
43 Ibid., 16.
44 Algar, Hamid, “The Naqshbandi Order: A Preliminary Survey of its History and Significance,” Studia lslamica 44 (1976): 148;Google Scholar and Abu-Manneh, , “The Naqshbandiyya–Mujaddidiyya in the Ottoman Lands,” 1–36.Google Scholar
45 ʿal-ʿAzzāwī, Abbās, Dhikrā Abī Thanāʾ al-Alūsī (In Memory of Abu Thanaʾ al-Alusi) (Baghdad: Tijara and Tibaʿa Press, 1958), 25–26.Google Scholar
46 al-ʿAzzāwī, ʿAbbās, Tarīkh al-ʿIrāq bayna iḥtiāllayn (The History of Iraq Between Two Occupations) (Baghdad: Tijara and Tibaʿa Press, n.d.), 8:15.Google Scholar
47 Ibid., 16.
48 Ibid., 17.
49 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 23–24.Google Scholar
50 Ibid., 25.
51 Ibid.
52 For details on the Shikāya literature, see Faroqhi, Suraiya, “Political Activity Among Ottoman Taxpayers and the Problem of Sultanic Legitimation (1570–1650),” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 35, part 1 (02 1992): 1–39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Gerber, Haim, State, Society and Law in Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 154–73.Google Scholar
53 Faroqhi, , “Political Activity,” 2.Google Scholar
54 Faroqhi, Suraiya, Pilgrims and Sultans: The Hajj under the Ottomans (London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 1994), 7–10, 184–87;Google Scholar and Hourani, , A History of the Arab Peoples, 222.Google Scholar
55 Al-Suwaidī, , “Al-nafḥa al-miskiyya,” fol. 191–93.Google Scholar
56 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 106.Google Scholar
57 Ibid., 117.
58 Ibid., 117–22.
59 Ibid., 123.
60 Ibid., 128.
61 Ibid., 129.
62 Al-ʿAzzāwī, , Dhikrā Abū Thanāʾ al-Alūsī, 96.Google Scholar
63 Findley, Carter V., Bureaucratic Reform in the Ottoman Empire: The Sublime Porte, 1789–1922 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980), 61–63.Google Scholar
64 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 128–29.Google Scholar
65 Ibid., 129.
66 Ibid., 129.
67 Findley, , Bureaucratic Reform, 3–220;Google Scholar and idem, Ottoman Civil Officialdom: A Social History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1988).Google Scholar
68 Hourani, , A History of the Arab Peoples, 224.Google Scholar
69 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 127.Google Scholar
70 Ibid., 127.
71 Ibid., 129–30.
72 Ibid., 129.
73 Ibid., 129–30.
74 Ibid., 129.
75 Ibid., 131.
76 For more details on the rankings and gradings within the Istanbul ulema hierarchy, see Fleischer, , Bureaucrat and Intellectual, 3–33.Google Scholar
77 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 132.Google Scholar
78 Manneh, Abu, “The Naqshbandiyya–Mujaddidiyya in the Ottoman Lands,” 26.Google Scholar
79 Ibid., 24.
80 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 207.Google Scholar
81 Ibid., 207.
82 Ibid., 208.
83 Ibid., 191.
84 Findley, , Bureaucratic Reform, 204.Google Scholar
85 Al-Alūsī, , Kitāb gharāʾib al-ightirāb, 173.Google Scholar
86 Ibid.
87 Ibid., 188–89.
88 Ibid., 135–36.
89 Ibid., 148.
90 Ibid., 142.
91 Ibid., 143.
92 Ibid., 128.
93 Ibid., 227.
94 Ibid., 438–39.
95 Ibid., 449.
96 lbid
97 Ibid.
98 Ibid.
99 Al-Suwaidī, , “Al-nafḥa al-miskiyya,” fol. 16.Google Scholar
100 Ibid.
101 Ibid.
102 al-Suwaidī, ʿAbdul-Raḥmān ibn ʿAbdullāh, “Ḥadīqat al-zawrāʾ,” fol. 15, 16, 19, 22, 28, 40, 41.Google Scholar
103 Al-Suwaidī, , “Al-nafḥa al-miskiyya,” fol. 55, 57.Google Scholar
104 Ibid., fol. 149–50.
105 Ibid., fol. 186.
106 Ibid., fol. 389–99.
107 Ibid.
108 Al-ʿAzzāwī, , Dhikrā Abū Thanāʾ al-Alūsī, 25–26.Google Scholar