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Religion and Politics in Egypt: The Ulema of Al-Azhar, Radical Islam, and the State (1952–94)
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
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A vast literature has been produced since the 1980s on the emergence of Islamist movements in the Middle East. This literature offers different rationales for the emergence of new kinds of foes to the political regimes of the region. Filling the void left by the leftist opposition, the Islamist militants appeared around the 1970s as new political actors. They were expected neither by the state elites, which had initiated earlier modernizing political and social reforms, nor by political scientists who based their research on modernization-theory hypotheses. The former thought that their reform policies toward the religious institution would reinforce their control of the religious sphere, and the latter expected that secularization would accompany the modernization of society. The surprise brought by this new political phenomenon pushed observers to focus mainly on the Islamists and to overlook the role of the ulema, the specialists of the Islamic law, who were considered entirely submitted to the state.
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Author's note: I wrote this paper while a visiting fellow at the Center of International Studies, Princeton University. I thank Rym Brahimi, Carl Brown, Ellis Goldberg, Hédi Kallal, Arang Keshavarzian, Elizabeth Thompson, and three anonymous referees for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper.
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30 Speech on 23 July 1967, on the occasion of the anniversary of the 1952 revolution.
31 Majallat al-Azhar (December 1972).
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39 lnterview with a 50-year-old Nasserist shaykh who belongs today to the leftist opposition, 12 June 1992.Google Scholar
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50 Al-Wafd, 17 August 1994, and Al-Ahram, 11 August 1994.Google Scholar
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54 For instance, ʾAbd al-Ghaffār ʾAziz, “Man Yanqud al-Azhar min mihnatihi?” al-Wafd, 26 March 1987. Also, in 1987, some ulema decided to create a private center for religious studies, within al-Azhar, that would have transmitted religious knowledge independently from the state. The government immediately stopped the project: cf. Al-Nūr, 16 December 1987.
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56 The dissertation was on “the opponents of the Qurʾan as depicted in the sūrat al-Tawba of the Qurʾan.”
57 See Kepel, Gilles, The Prophet and Pharaoh. Muslim Extremism in Egypt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).Google Scholar
58 The sources on which to base an understanding of the religious and political thought of ʿUmar ʿAbd al-Rahman are of very different natures, which adds to the elusiveness of the character. His defense at his trial in Egypt provides us with a theoretical justification of the assassination of Sadat (published in Kalimat). Interviews he gave to the media in Egypt and later in the United States are numerous and sometimes contradictory.
59 Wall Street Journal, 22 September 1995, 1.Google Scholar
60 See the New York Times, 18 January 1996, 1. The article reports that the shaykh delivered “a 100- minute speech in which he castigated the United States as an ‘enemy of Islam’ and cast himself as a victim of an ‘unlawful trial.’”
61 ʿUmar ʿAbd al-Rahmān, Kalimat, 40–41.
62 Ibid., 79.
63 Ibid., 47.
64 Ibid., 110, 159.
65 “Doubts About Jihad,” ʿUmar ʿAbd al-Rahman, audiotape no. 40.
66 “On the Inevitability of Jihad for the Solution of Our Problems and for the Frightening of the Enemies of God,”Conference on Solidarity with Bosnia-Herzegovina,16 January 1993, videotape.Google Scholar
67 Chris Eccel developed the notion of “division of labor” in “Alim and Mujahid in Egypt: Orthodoxy Versus Subculture, or Division of Labor?” Muslim World 85 (07 1988): 189–208.Google Scholar
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