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TAHAR HADDAD AFTER BOURGUIBA AND BIN ʿALI: A REFORMIST BETWEEN SECULARISTS AND ISLAMISTS

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 January 2016

Julian Weideman
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Abstract

Under the Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli regimes, the early 20th-century women's rights advocate Tahar Haddad (1899–1935) was a symbol of “state feminism.” Nationalist intellectuals traced the 1956 Personal Status Code to Haddad's work, and Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli claimed to “uphold” his ideals and “avenge” the persecution he suffered at the hands of the ʿulamaʾ at the Zaytuna mosque-university. Breaking with “old regime” narratives, this article studies Haddad as a reformist within Tunisia's religious establishment. Haddad's example challenges the idea that Islamic reformists “opened the door to” secularists in the Arab world. After independence, Haddad's ideas were not a starting point for Tunisia's presidents, but a reference point available to every actor in the political landscape.

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International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 48 , Issue 1 , February 2016 , pp. 47 - 65
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

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References

NOTES

Author's note: I thank James McDougall, Michael Willis, Kmar Bendana, Ali Mʾhamdi, Monica Marks, Mohamed Bennani, Mohamed El May, Alyssa Miller, Nadia Oweidat, Nadia Jamil, Daniel Newman, Mohamed-Salah Omri, Jimi Jones, Max Weiss, Tarek Elsayed, the three anonymous IJMES reviewers, and IJMES editors Jeffrey Culang and Akram Khater. I also thank the staff of four institutions in Tunis: the Centre de Recherche, d’Études, de Documentation et d’Information sur la Femme (CREDIF), the Centre de Documentation National (CDN), the Archives Nationales, and the Bibliothèque Nationale. This article elaborates on my thesis, “Tahar Haddad and the Tunisian State,” completed in May 2013 for an MPhil in Modern Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Oxford. Although this project would not have happened without the professors, colleagues, archivists, and librarians cited above, all errors are mine.

1 Merone, Fabio and Cavatorta, Francesco, “The Rise of Salafism and the Future of Democratization,” in The Making of the Tunisian Revolution: Contexts, Architects, Prospects, ed. Gana, Nouri (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2013)Google Scholar.

2 I use “secularist” (as well as “secular activist” and “secular women's rights activist”) to refer to supporters of the idea that politics, law, and public life cannot be based on religion. I use “Islamist” to refer to supporters of the idea that politics, law, and public life should be based on Islam. As Rory McCarthy notes, although Tunisia's being “secular” implies the “separation” of religion from politics, and of religious institutions from state institutions, Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli “sought to regulate religious affairs.” “Secularism” here is “a process of defining, managing, and intervening in religious life by the state.” McCarthy, Rory, “Re-thinking Secularism in Post-Independence Tunisia,” Journal of North Africa Studies 19 (2014): 734CrossRefGoogle Scholar. McCarthy's article draws from two key works on secularism: Asad, Talal, Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; and Agrama, Hussein Ali, Questioning Secularism: Islam, Sovereignty, and the Rule of Law in Modern Egypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 al-Hammami, ʿAbd al-Razzaq, al-Marʾa fi al-Haraka al-Islahiyya min al-Tahir al-Haddad ila Zin al-ʿAbidin bin ʿAli (Tunis: CREDIF, 2000)Google Scholar.

4 For footage of the rally, see “Free Reporters Pays Tribute to Tahar Haddad,” YouTube video, 2:29, posted by “freereporterschnl,” 4 May 2012, accessed 2 October 2012, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N3l0SsvtlF4. Newspaper articles on the vandalism include “Profanation de la tombe du penseur et syndicaliste Tahar Haddad,” Tunisie Numerique, 2 May 2012, accessed 1 October 2012, http://www.tunisienumerique.com/tunisie-profanation-de-la-tombe-du-penseur-et-syndicaliste-tahar-haddad/121921; and “Profanation du tombeau de Tahar Haddad,” Business News, 2 May 2012, accessed 1 October 2012, http://www.businessnews.com.tn/details_article.php?t=520&a=30823&temp=3&lang=.

5 For example, Amin is prominent but Haddad is not mentioned in Ahmed, Leila's Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1992)Google Scholar. Analyses of Haddad in discussions of other topics include Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963), 365, 371Google Scholar; Perkins, Kenneth, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 88, 99Google Scholar; and Zayzafoon, Lamia Ben Youssef, “Body, Home, and Nation: The Production of the Tunisian ‘Muslim Women’ in the Reformist Thought of Tahar al Haddad and Habib Bourguiba,” in The Production of the Muslim Woman: Negotiating Text, History, and Ideology (London: Lexington Books, 2005)Google Scholar.

6 Husni, Ronak and Newman, Daniel L., preface to Muslim Women in Law and Society, by Haddad, Tahar, trans. Ronak Husni and Daniel L. Newman (New York: Routledge, 2007), xiGoogle Scholar.

7 Ahmad, Eqbal and Schaar, Stuart, “Tahar Haddad: A Tunisian Activist Intellectual,” Maghreb Review 21 (1996): 244Google Scholar.

8 Ibid., 245.

9 The 150 newspaper articles are from two compilations in the Tahar Haddad Library at CREDIF. Dossier de Presse, Centenaire Tahar Haddad: 1899–1999 (Tunis: CREDIF, 2000) contains articles dated 1999–2000; Dossier de Presse sur le Soixantenaire de Tahar Haddad: 7–9 Décembre 1995 (Tunis: CREDIF, 2000) contains articles dated 1995. Pre-1995 newspaper articles are from two files on Haddad at al-Markaz al-Tawthiq al-Watani/Centre de Documentation National (CDN). The radio documentary is mentioned in AL, “Chaque jour à 13h45 sur la chaine nationale: La Vie et le combat de Tahar Haddad,” Le Renouveau, 13 August 1992.

10 Ghedahem, Manoubia Ben, Haddad et la presse d’expression française: Un Aspect méconnu de la querelle (Tunis: Ichraq Editions, 2009), 5Google Scholar. All translations are mine unless otherwise indicated.

11 Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 24; Ahmad and Schaar, “Tahar Haddad,” 245–46.

12 For references to Haddad in studies of “state feminism” in Tunisia, see Murphy, Emma, “Women in Tunisia: Between State Feminism and Economic Reform,” in Women and Globalisation in the Arab Middle East, ed. Doumato, Eleanor Abdella and Posusney, Marsha Pripstein (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2003), 171–72Google Scholar; Charrad, Mounira M., States and Women's Rights: The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2001), 216–17Google Scholar; and Brand, Laurie A., Women, the State, and Political Liberalization: Middle Eastern and North African Experiences (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 178, 202Google Scholar.

13 See, for instance, Kmar Bendana's articles (published on her blog and in Tunisian newspapers): “À propos de la récente ‘réouverture’ de l’Université de Zeytouna,” Histoire et culture de la Tunisie contemporaine, 26 May 2012, accessed 2 February 2013, http://hctc.hypotheses.org/219, available in English as “On the Recent ‘Reopening’ of Zaytuna University,” 13 June 2012, accessed 9 April 2014, http://hctc.hypotheses.org/221; and “Bourguiba: Revister l’histoire,” Histoire et culture de la Tunisie contemporaine, 4 April 2014, accessed 6 May 2014, http://hctc.hypotheses.org/1035, available in English as “Bourguiba: Revisiting History,” 5 May 2014, accessed 15 May 2014, http://hctc.hypotheses.org/1059.

14 “Old regime” is in quotation marks because of lingering continuities with the prerevolution period. The current president at the time of writing, Beji Caid Essebsi (al-Baji Qaʾid al-Sebsi), elected in December 2014, worked in the governments of Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli.

15 On the protectorate and the nationalist movement, see Lewis, Mary, Divided Rule: Sovereignty and Empire in French Tunisia, 1881–1938 (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Liauzu, Claude, “Bourguiba, héritier de Tahar Haddad et des militants réformistes des années 1920?,” in Habib Bourguiba: La Trace et l’héritage, ed. Camau, Michel and Geisser, Vincent (Paris: Karthala, 2004)Google Scholar.

17 Charrad, States and Women's Rights, 206.

18 Hourani, Arabic Thought, 144, 192, 344. Philip Khoury, citing Hourani, uses the same phrase. Khoury, Philip, “Islamic Revivalism and the Crisis of the Secular State,” in Arab Resources: The Transformation of a Society, ed. Ibrahim, Ibrahim (Washington, D.C.: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, 1983), 217Google Scholar.

19 Asad, Formations of the Secular, 208. On Islamic reformists and secularism, see also Tamimi, Azzam, “The Origins of Arab Secularism,” in Islam and Secularism in the Middle East, ed. Tamimi, Azzam and Esposito, John (London: Hurst and Company, 2000), 18–22, 24–25Google Scholar; and, with regard to a more recent time period, Mahmood, Saba, “Secularism, Hermeneutics, and Empire: The Politics of Islamic Reformation,” Public Culture 18 (2006): 323–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 Haj, Samira, Reconfiguring Islamic Tradition: Reform, Rationality, and Modernity (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009), 73Google Scholar.

21 Wael Hallaq offers a persuasive critique of the term “reform” (iṣlāḥ), which is, he notes, “used extensively by Euro-American scholars to describe legal changes in the Muslim world over the past century (and longer in India).” Hallaq, Wael, Shariʿa: Theory, Practice, Transformations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 444CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In Haddad's case, however, “reform” is not an interpretive category but a word that he employed, as I detail in this article. Haddad can be seen as participating in the “hegemonic modernity” that Hallaq discusses: like ʿAllal al-Fasi in Morocco, he “saw no reason to question, much less problematize, the nation-state.” Hallaq, Shariʿa, 442. Yet Haddad sought not to extend nation-state control over personal status law and the religious establishment, but to “reform” these from within.

22 Calls to move beyond the focus on “secularists versus Islamists” include Marks, Monica, “Women's Rights Before and After the Revolution,” in The Making of the Tunisian Revolution, 224–25, 246Google Scholar; Nadia Marzouki, “From Resistance to Governance: The Category of Civility in the Political Theory of Tunisian Islamists,” in The Making of the Tunisian Revolution, 220; and, in the context of Egypt, John Voll, “Not Secularism vs. Islamism,” The Imminent Frame: Social Science Research Council, 25 March 2014, accessed 15 October 2014, http://blogs.ssrc.org/tif/2014/03/25/not-secularism-vs-islamism/.

23 On the Dustur, see Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 76–89.

24 Ahmed, Eqbal and Schaar, Stuart, “Mʾhamed Ali: Tunisian Labor Organizer,” in Struggle and Survival in the Modern Middle East, ed. Burke, Edmund III (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993)Google Scholar.

25 For UGTT activists’ role in the January 2011 revolution, see Sami Zemni, “From Socio-Economic Protest to National Revolt: The Labor Origins of the Tunisian Revolution,” in The Making of the Tunisian Revolution, 127–46.

26 Haddad, Tahar, al-ʿUmmal al-Tunisiyyun wa-Zuhur al-Haraka al-Niqabiyya (Tunis: al-Dar al-Tunisiyya li-l-Nashr, 1972)Google Scholar; Haddad, , Les Travailleurs tunisiens et l’émergence du mouvement syndical, trans., Halioui, Abderrazak (Tunis: Maison Arabe du Livre, 1985)Google Scholar. On the CGTT and its relations with the Dustur, see Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 84–87.

27 Hourani, Arabic Thought, 371.

28 Haddad, Tahar, Imraʾtuna fi al-Shariʿa wa-l-Mujtamaʿ (Sousse: Dar al-Maʿrif li-l-Tibaʿa wa-l-Nashr, 1997), 6–7, 109Google Scholar; Haddad, Muslim Women, 29–30, 104.

29 Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 22.

30 Ben Ghedahem, Haddad et la presse d'expression française, 22–24; Ahmad and Schaar, “Tahar Haddad,” 252.

31 Tuberculosis and stress are both mentioned as causes. Ahmad and Schaar refer to his 1935 treatment for tuberculosis. Ahmad and Schaar, “Tahar Haddad,” 248. Husni and Newman write, “depression combined with poor health drove him to an early grave.” Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 24.

32 Liauzu, “Bourguiba, héritier de Tahar Haddad,” 21–22.

33 On the emergence of the Neo-Dustur, see Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 89–104.

34 Chaibi Med Lotfi, “Tahar Haddad, non Destourien?,” Le Dialogue, 13 October 1974. The quoted phrase is unattributed.

35 Ibid.

36 Liauzu, “Bourguiba, héritier de Tahar Haddad,” 25.

37 Charrad, States and Women's Rights, 218.

38 For a contrary perspective that compares patriarchal assumptions of Haddad and Bourguiba, see Lamia Ben Youssef Zayzafoon, “Body, Home, and Nation.”

39 Charrad argues of Imraʾtuna that “the point was not primarily to emancipate women for their own sake, but to make them better able to contribute to the stability of families and better able to educate future generations of Tunisians.” Charrad, States and Women's Rights, 216.

40 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 49; Haddad, Muslim Women, 59–60.

41 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 150; Haddad, Muslim Women, 130.

42 Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 23.

43 Liauzu, “Bourguiba, héritier de Tahar Haddad,” 22.

44 As Perkins notes, the Sadiqi College, founded in 1875 by Prime Minister Khayr al-Din, “made a secular Western education available to Tunisian students for the first time. Many of its early graduates worked in the protectorate administration; many later alumni were activists in the nationalist movement.” Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 35. The Lycée Carnot, established by French missionaries in 1875 under the name Collège Saint Louis and adopted by the protectorate administration in 1889, became the top school of the French public education system in Tunisia. Ibid., 63–64.

45 Liauzu, “Bourguiba, héritier de Tahar Haddad,” 22. Founded by Tunisian activists in 1896 with the support of French Resident General René Millet, the Khalduniyya provided free classes in sciences, math, and other “secular” subjects; it was designed especially for Zaytuna students. Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 66; Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 15–18.

46 Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 121.

47 It is unclear when he wrote it, but a reference to “the Great War” and his comment, “we studied at the Great Mosque from 1913 to 1920,” show that it was after he graduated. Haddad, Tahar, al-Taʿlim al-Islami wa-Harakat al-Islah fi Jamiʿ al-Zaytuna, ed. Busnina, Muhammad Anwar (Tunis: al-Dar al-Tunisiyya li-l-Nashr, 1981), 29, 39Google Scholar.

48 Khaled, Ahmed, La Posterité du traité moderniste de Tahar Haddad: ‘Notre femme dans la Chariʿa et la société’ (Tunis: Champs Elysées, 2002), 8Google Scholar. “Tract” (traité) is capitalized in the original. For a similar analysis, see Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 21.

49 On Zaytuna professor Tahir ibn ʿAshur's A Laysa al-Subh bi-Qarib, written in 1907, see Green, Arnold H., The Tunisian Ulama, 1873–1915: Social Structure and Response to Ideological Currents (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978), 212–14Google Scholar.

50 Haddad, al-Taʿlim, 31. For an overview of these events, see Green, Tunisian Ulama, 214–16.

51 Haddad, al-Taʿlim, 33–34. Haddad's reference to the madāris al-suknā al-muḥabbasa specifies that the buildings were a pious “endowment” (ḥabūs, also called waqf). Since the late 19th century, such endowments had come under official regulation, first by a Habus Council (Jamʿiyat al-Awqaf), established in 1874 by Prime Minister Khayr al-Din; subsequently by a Conseil Supérieur des Habous, founded under the protectorate in 1908 to oversee the Habus Council. Haddad therefore mentions the Idarat al-Awqaf (Awqaf Administration).

52 Ibid., 35. By “sciences of life,” Haddad appears to mean not the “life sciences” (i.e., biology) but rather the sciences essential for success in life. See the use of ḥayāt in Haddad, al-Taʿlim, 29, 35.

53 Ibid., 32.

54 Ibid., 29.

55 Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 120–21; Mokhtar Ayachi, “Le Néo-Dustur et les étudiants zeytouniens: De l’alliance à l’affrontement,” in La Tunisie de l’après-guerre (1945–1950) (Actes de Colloques, Tunis, Institut Supérieur d’Histoire du Mouvement National, 1991): 231–50.

56 Perkins, Kenneth, “Playing the Islamic Card: The Use and Abuse of Religion in Tunisian Politics,” in The Making of the Tunisian Revolution, 60–61Google Scholar.

57 Hédi Balegh, “Culture: un appel de Tahar Haddad,” La Presse, 31 June 1999.

58 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 182; Haddad, Muslim Women, 148. I follow Husni and Newman's translation here.

59 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 114; Haddad, Muslim Women, 107.

60 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 88–92; Haddad, Muslim Women, 86–89.

61 Cited in Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 99; cited in Haddad, Muslim Women, 95.

62 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 115; Haddad, Muslim Women, 108.

63 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 79; Haddad, Muslim Women, 80.

64 See the discussion of divorce courts, especially points seven and nine, in Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 67–74; and in Haddad, Muslim Women, 72–76.

65 For a careful account of the relationship between the ʿulamaʾ and the nationalist movement, see Green, Tunisian Ulama, 221–24, 236.

66 Ahmad and Schaar, “Tahar Haddad,” 252. Ahmad and Schaar write “infant terrible” rather than the French.

67 See, for instance, Khaled, La posterité, 16, 18–19, 21; and Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 23.

68 See, for example, Khaled, La posterité, 14, 16; and Sraieb, Nourredine, “Contribution à la connaissance de Tahar Haddad,” Revue de l’Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée 4 (1967): 107Google Scholar.

69 Muhammad Salih bin Murad, one of the five ʿulamaʾ who wrote rebuttals against Haddad, referred to specific pages of Imraʾtuna. Muhammad Salih bin Murad, “al-Hidad ʿala Imraʾat al-Haddad aw Radd al-Khataʾ wa-l-Kufr wa-l-Bidaʿ Alati Hawaha Kitab Imraʾtuna fi al-Shariʿa wa-l-Mujtamaʿ” (unpublished manuscript), Haddad files at the CDN. Murad's account, along with the four other rebuttals, was published in 1931. Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 22.

70 Haj, Reconfiguring Islamic Tradition, 107.

71 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 55; Haddad, Muslim Women, 63. Elsewhere in the book, Haddad discusses the rationale behind the “gradualistic approach.” See Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 32–33, 109–110; Haddad, Muslim Women, 48, 104.

72 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 54, 58, 69; Haddad, Muslim Women, 63, 65, 73.

73 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 109; Haddad, Muslim Women, 104. I follow Husni and Newman's translation here.

74 Haj, Reconfiguring Islamic Tradition, 45–46.

75 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 71; Haddad, Muslim Women, 75.

76 Haddad, Imraʾtuna, 12; Haddad, Muslim Women, 35. In James McDougall's words, Bin Badis (1889–1940) was “the most prominent exponent of reformed Sunni Islam in North Africa.” McDougall, James, History and the Culture of Nationalism in Algeria (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 12Google Scholar.

77 Haddad's Khawatir, written after the Imraʾtuna controversy, includes no break with the principles he defended before 1930. Haddad, Tahar, Les Pensées de Tahar Haddad, trans. Hédi Balegh (Tunis: Société Nouvelle d’Impression de Presse et d’Edition, 1993)Google Scholar.

78 Insaf Boughdiri, “Centenaire Tahar Haddad: Continuité permanente,” Le Renouveau, 15 October 1999.

79 Khaled, La Posterité, 21.

80 Mustapha Ben Ammar, “Entretien avec Mohamed el May: Mort dans l’anoymat . . . il ressuscite dans toute sa splendeur,” Le Renouveau, 25 December 1999.

81 Abdelaziz Laroui, “Un Deuil dans les lettres arabes: Une Foule nombreuse accompagna hier le cercueil du poète Tahar Haddad,” Le Petit Matin, 9 December 1935, reprinted in Ben Ghedahem, Haddad et la presse d’expression française, 105–6.

82 Laroui, “L’Anniversaire d’un grand sociologue tunisien. Tahar Haddad,” Le Petit Matin, 10 December 1936, reprinted in Ben Ghedahem, Haddad et la presse d’expression française, 109.

83 Ibid., 107. Laroui's adhesion to the Neo-Dustur is noted in Ben Ghedahem, Haddad et la presse d’expression française, 55. Bin Badis and al-Tayyib al-ʿUqbi (1888–1960) were then leading members of the Association of Algerian Muslim ʿUlamaʾ (AUMA), a reformist group formed in Algiers in 1931. For a summary of the AUMA's influence, see McDougall, History and the Culture of Nationalism, 13–14.

84 Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 135, 137.

85 Al-Hammami, al-Marʾa fi al-Haraka al-Islahiyya, 79.

86 Bourguiba, Habib, “La Réforme judiciare,” and “Deux fondements du statut personnel: Dignité et cohésion nationale,” Discours, vol. 2, 1956–57 (Tunis: Publication du Secrétariat d’Etat à l’Information, 1957)Google Scholar.

87 “Le Code du Statut Personnel,” Ministry of Justice, accessed 29 January 2013, http://www.e-justice.tn/fileadmin/fichiers_site_francais/codes_juridiques/Statut_personel_Fr.pdf.

88 Charrad, States and Women's Rights, chap. 9.

89 Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 134.

90 McCarthy, “Re-thinking Secularism,” 2.

91 Perkins, 141; Brand, Women, the State, and Political Liberalization, 178–79. On the Zaytuna in the postindependence period, see Zeghal, Malika, “Religious Education in Egypt and Tunis,” in Trajectories of Education in the Arab World: Legacies and Challenges, ed. Abi-Mershed, Osama (New York: Routledge, 2009). In a further instance of state control over religion, Bourguiba seized the property of the Habus Council (Jamʿiyat Awqaf). Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 135.Google Scholar

92 Karru, Abu al-Qasim Muhammad, al-Tahir al-Haddad (Tunis: Kitab al-Baʿth, 1957), 11Google Scholar.

93 Ibid., 13–15.

94 Mongi Chemli, “al-Taʿrif bi-Raʾid Maghbun: al-Tahir al-Haddad,” Tajdid 1 (February 1961): 24.

95 Ben Slimane, “À nos lecteurs,” La Tribune du Progrès 1 (December 1960): 3; Abdelkader ben Cheikh, “Vingt-cinq ans après la mort de Tahar Haddad: Un Intellectuel progressiste,” La Tribune du Progrès 3 (February 1961): 14.

96 Bessis, Juliette, “Les Contradictions d’un règne en situation défensive,” in Habib Bourguiba: La Trace et l’héritage, ed. Camau, Michel and Geisser, Vincent (Paris: Karthala, 2004), 257Google Scholar.

97 See, for instance, Sraieb, “Contribution à la connaissance de Tahar Haddad”; and Khaled, Ahmed, al-Tahir al-Haddad wa-l-Biʾa al-Tunisiyya fi al-Thulth al-Awwal min al-Qarn al-ʿIshrin (Tunis: al-Dar al-Tunisiyya li-l-Nashr, 1967)Google Scholar.

98 Husni and Newman, Muslim Women, 177.

99 Bourguiba, Habib, Tahar El Haddad, vengé de tous ses détracteurs (Tunis: Publication du Secrétariat d’Etat à l’Information, 1976)Google Scholar. The text of Bourguiba's speech follows a convention of using the definite article (“El”) for “Haddad” but not for “Tahar.”

100 “Al-Raʾis Yushrif ʿala Iftitah Nadwa hawla al-Tahir al-Haddad,” al-Sabah, 20 December 1975.

101 Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia, 164–65.

102 Tamimi, Azzam S., Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 8–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 Willis, Michael, Politics and Power in the Maghreb: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco from Independence to the Arab Spring (London: Hurst & Company, 2012), 159–60Google Scholar.

104 Samira Haj locates Muhammad ʿAbduh and contemporary Islamist movements in the same trajectory. See Haj, Reconfiguring Islamic Tradition, 7, 69.

105 According to Tamimi, al-Ghannushi disputes “the suggestion that the al-burguibiyah (Bourguibism, referring to the reforms introduced by President Bourguiba) was an extension of the Tunisian reformist school of Kahiruddin [Khayr al-Din] al-Tunisi and al-Tahir al-Haddad.” Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi, 44.

106 Labidi, Lilia, “The Nature of Transnational Alliances in Women's Associations in the Maghreb: The Case of AFTURD and AFTD in Tunisia,” Journal of Middle Eastern Women's Studies 3 (2007): 7–18Google Scholar, provides an overview of the independent women's movement and of Nisaʾ, which ran for eight issues before ending over political disagreements within its leadership.

107 The French-language cover addresses an event of the previous month: the 1 October 1985 Israeli Air Force bombing of the PLO headquarters at Hammam Chatt (Hammam al-Shatt), twenty kilometers south of Tunis.

108 Layla al-Qazdaghli, “Imraʾtuna bayna al-Makasib wa-l-Radda,” 4 (November 1985): ii–iii.

109 Ibid.

110 For a reference to this phrase, see “Le Club Tahar Haddad prépare le cinquantenaire,” Nisaʾ 4 (November 1985): vi.

111 Labidi, “Nature of Transnational Alliances,” 19. For a similar perspective from one of the founders of the independent women's movement, see Marzouki, Ilhem, Le Mouvement des femmes en Tunisie au XXème siècle (Tunis: Cérès, 1993), 299–302Google Scholar.

112 For a list of Nisaʾ contributors, see Labidi, “Nature of Transnational Alliances,” 29

113 Ibid., 19.

114 McCarthy, “Re-thinking Secularism,” 741.

115 Willis, Politics and Power in the Maghreb, 167–68.

116 The library was compiled by the independent Haddad scholar Mohamed El May, who aimed to facilitate research on Haddad. That it found a home at CREDIF reflects the centralization of women's rights discourse under Bin ʿAli.

117 “Hommage, Célébration du 60ème anniversaire de la mort de Tahar Haddad: La Tunisienne, de Haddad au Changement,” Le Renouveau, 8 December 1995.

118 Tijani Zalila, “Haddad, l’impénitent iconoclaste,” Le Renouveau, 25 December 1999.

119 Insaf Boughdiri, “Centenaire Tahar Haddad: Continuité permanente,” Le Renouveau, 15 October 1999.

120 “Le RCD fête le centenaire de Tahar Haddad: Hommage aux précurseurs du mouvement réformateur,” Le Renouveau, 26 December 1999.

121 Mufida bin Ibrahim, “Aʿlam al-Qarn: al-Haddad . . . Rajul Sabaqa ʿAsrahu,” al-Huriyya, 25 January 2000.

122 Nadia Haddaoui, “Le deuil impossible de Haddad,” Le Renouveau, 25 December 1999.

123 Insaf Boughdiri, “Centenaire Tahar Haddad: Continuité permanente,” Le Renouveau, 15 October 1999.

124 Hibou, Béatrice, La Force de l’obéissance: Economie politique de la répression en Tunisie (Paris: La Découverte, 2006), 147–52Google Scholar.

125 McCarthy, “Re-thinking Secularism,” 743.

126 Amer al-Hafi, a Jordanian professor who received his PhD from the Zaytuna in 2003, describes the Tunisian police raiding his student residence. Amer al-Hafi, “Interreligious Dialogue: A Living Experience” (lecture, Council for British Research in the Levant, Amman, Jordan, 23 September 2012).

127 Olfa Lamloum and Luiza Toscane, “The Two Faces of the Tunisian Regime: Women's Rights, but Only for Some,” Le Monde Diplomatique, 12 July 1998.

128 In summer 2012, CREDIF's magazine reported that the institution was “in the process of reconstructing itself and resuming its authentic trajectory to complete the mission from which it strayed since it suffered the burden of political instrumentalization.” Mezzi, Faouzia, “Interview: Mme Dalenda Larguèche, Directrice Générale du CREDIF: Assurer l’égalité des chances,” Majalat al-Kredif/La Revue du CREDIF 42 (2012): 5Google Scholar.

129 Marks, “Women's Rights,” 235–38.

130 For instance, see Daniel Steinvorth, “Islamist vs. Secularist: The Post-Revolution Struggle for the Arab Soul,” Spiegel Online, 4 December 2012, accessed 2 October 2014, http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/islamists-and-secular-society-battle-for-freedoms-after-arab-spring-a-870652.html.

131 Monica Marks, who after the 2011 revolution conducted three years of research on women in al-Nahda, notes that many praise Haddad and cite his work as a defense of women's rights that precedes Bourguiba. Monica Marks, personal communication with the author, 30 January 2015.

132 Author's conversation with a Salafi bookseller, Tunis, July 2012.

133 On 8 February 2015, vandals toppled a statue of Haddad in al-Hamma (his family's hometown). “Gabès: Attaque contre le statue de Tahar Haddad à El Hamma,” Webdo, 8 February 2015, accessed 12 July 2015, http://www.webdo.tn/2015/02/08/gabes-attaque-contre-la-statue-de-tahar-haddad-el-hamma/.