Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
In the middle of the nineteenth century, Iran was shaken by a series of serious upheavals caused by the Bābī movement. Although of short duration, these upheavals engulfed the entire country and had far-reaching effects in that they formed the first of a chain of events that led on the one hand, to the constitional movement in Iran, and on the other, to the establishment of the now world-wide Bahā'ī Faith.
1 On the history of the Bābī movement see: de Gobineau, J. A., Les Religions et Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale, 1st ed. (Paris, 1865), 10th ed. (Paris, 1957), pp. 131–319Google Scholar and Appendix; Browne, E. G., A Traveller's Narrative, written to illustrate the Episode of the Bāb (Cambridge, 1891);Google Scholaridem, The Tarīkh-i-Jadīd; or, New History of Mirza Alī Muhammad the Bāb (Cambridge, 1893); idem, Kitāb-i Nuqtatu 'l-Kaf (Leyden, 1910); Nicolas, A.-L.-M., Seyyèd Ali Mohammed dit le Bâb (Paris, 1905);Google ScholarNabīl's Narrative: The Dawn-Breakers, trans. ed. Effendi, Shoghi, (Wilmette, III., 1962);Google ScholarBalyuzi, H. M., The Bab (Oxford, 1973)Google Scholar; Momen, M., The Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions (1844–1944): Some Contemporary Western Accounts (Oxford, 1981).Google Scholar
2 Regarding the Bāb's claims, see Momen, M., “The Trial of Mullā 'Alī Bastāmī: A combined Sunnī-Shī'ī fatwā against the Bāb,” Iran, 20, (1982), 140–142.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Keddie, N., “Religion and Irreligion in early Iranian Nationalism,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 4 (1962), 274–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
4 lvanov, M. S., Babidski Vostanii i Irane (1848–1852) (Moscow, 1939);Google Scholaridem, “Babism” and “Babi Uprisings” in Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, (New York, 1973), p. 521. See also Minorsky, V., review of lvanov's Bbidski Vostanii, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 11, 4 (1946) 878–880.Google Scholar
5 Calculated from lssawi, C., The Economic History of Iran (1800–1914) (Chicago, 1971), pp. 90–91.Google Scholar
6 Calculated from India Office estimates made in 1836, quoted in Issawi, Economic History, p. 361. In considering the balance of trade, it is impossible, of course, to assess the amount of smuggling that occurred. Most authorities seem agreed that overall its effect on the balance of trade was in Iran's favour. However, this must be set against the large amount of money spent by Iranian pilgrims in 'Iraq, as well as the pious benefactions made to the Holy Shrines there.Google Scholar
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11 Ibid.
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13 Ibid., p. 270.
14 Avery, P., Modern Iran (London, 1965), p. 53.Google Scholar
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16 Ibid., p. 122.
17 See, for example, Hanbal, Ahmad ibn, Musnad vol. 5, (Cairo, 1313/1896),Google ScholarHadīth of Thawbān, p. 677.Google Scholar See also Nabīl's Narrative, p. 351.Google Scholar
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19 See, for example, 'Abdu'l-Bahā in Browne, Traveller's Narrative, vol. 2, p. 37;Google Scholar and Nabīl's Narrative, p. 354.Google Scholar
20 Other estimates of the total number of Bābīs include those of Farrant, British Charge d'Affaires: about 500; Dolgoruki, Russian Minister: 1,500; Ferrier, French Agent: 1,200; Mackenzie, British Consul, Rasht: 400–500. For details see Momen, M., Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions, pp. 91–99.Google Scholar
21 Lutf-'Alī Mīrzā Shīrāzī, Mīr Abū-Tālib Shahmīrzādī, and Hājī Nāşir Qazvīnī.Google Scholar
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24 I have compared Mahjūr's list in three sources: Mazandarānī, Fādil, Zuhūru'l-Haqq, vol. 3 (n.p., n.d.), p. 124n; manuscript (F28, Browne Collection, Cambridge University Library), p. 18; manuscript used by Malik-Khusravī, p. 18. There are no discrepancies in the numbers cited save that the third-named source gives the number of Zanjānīs as 13 rather than the 12 given in the other two sources. All three sources occasionally misspell names, e.g.. Siyāmī for Miyāmī, Rūmī for Urūmī, etc.Google Scholar
25 Browne gives this name wrongly as Bahmīz, owing to a simple transposition of a dot. See Tārīkh-i-Jadīd, p. 67 and note, p. 364;Google Scholar and Nuqtatu'l-Kāf, p. 191.Google Scholar
26 Browne gives these two names wrongly as Shah-Mirza and Dasak-sar. See Tarīkh-i-Jadīd, p. 104, and note I (which indicates how the mistake was made).Google Scholar
27 Lovett, B., “Surveys on the road from Shiraz to Baum,” Journal Royal Geographical Society, 42 (1872), 203.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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29 Tihrān (130 B.E./1973).Google Scholar
30 I am assuming that the history of Nayrīz listed as an anonymous work by Nicolas (Seyyèd Ali Mohammed, p. 51) is by Mīrzā Shafī' on account of the great similarity between Nabīl's and Nicolas' version of events in the first Nayrīz upheaval.Google Scholar
31 Lisānu'l-Mulk, Nāsikhu 't-Tawārīkh, quoted in Browne, Traveller's Narrative, vol. 2, p. 183.Google Scholar
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34 Ibid., p. 422.
35 Nabīl's Narrative, p. 644.Google Scholar
36 This quarter is named variously as “Chinār-Sūkhta” by Nabīl, “Chinār-Shāhī” by Shafī'Ruhanī, and “Mahalla-yi-Bālā” by Lovett.Google Scholar
37 Nabīl's Narrative, pp. 478–79.Google Scholar
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39 Nabīl's Narrative, pp. 483–84.Google Scholar
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42 Lisanu'l-Mulk, Nāsikhu't-Tawārīkh, quoted in Browne, Traveller's Narrative, vol. 2, p. 180.Google Scholar
43 Nabīl's Narrative, p. 580.Google Scholar
44 Ibid., p. 573.
45 Ibid., p. 569.
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47 Ibid., p. 809. Nabīl's Narrative p. 568, also reports some desertions.Google Scholar
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57 Issue no. 82, 10 Dhu'l.Qa'da 1268 (27 August 1852), quoted in Malik-Khusravī, Tārīkh, vol. 3, pp. 56–65.Google Scholar
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61 Abbott to Shiel, 30 August 1850, enclosed in Shiel to Visc. Palmerston, 5 September 1850, FO 60 153, in Momen, Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions, p. 11.Google Scholar
62 Nabīl's Narrative, pp. 549–552.Google Scholar
63 Ibid., p. 487.
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66 Manuscript (F28. Browne Collection, Cambridge University Library). p. 12.Google Scholar
67 Bausani, A., The Persians (London, 1971), p. 166.Google Scholar
68 Pp. 145–53. See also Browne's comment on this passage, Tarīkh-i-Jadīd. pp. 356–57.Google Scholar
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70 Ibid.
71 Manuscript (F43. Browne Collection, Cambridge University Library); manuscripts (Or. 5110 and Or. 6256, Oriental Manuscripts, British Museum). F43 and Or. 5110 are the same work, which appears to be a series of discourses or possibly letters. Or 6256 is an incomplete copy of the same work.Google Scholar
72 See letters by her in Browne, Tarīkh-i-Jadīd. pp. 434–41;Google Scholar and in Mazandarānī, Fādil, Zuhūru'l-Haqq. vol. 3, pp. 484–532;Google Scholar and also her poetry in Browne, E. G., Materials for the Study of the Bāhī Religion (Cambridge. 1918). pp. 343–51.Google Scholar
73 Ivanov, “Babi Uprisings,” p. 521.Google Scholar
74 See Keddie, N., Historical Obstacles to Agrarian Change (Claremont, 1950). pp. 4–7.Google Scholar Also quoted in Issawi, Economic History, pp. 54–57.Google Scholar
75 Indeed, there were disturbances in these towns completely unconnected with the Bābī movement. There were disturbances in Isfahān connected with Ahmad Mīrzā Safavī (see Algar, H.. Religion and State in Iran [Berkeley. 1969]. pp. 126–28); in Yazd, connected with Muhammad-'Abdu'llāh who only became a Bābī in the last few months of his life, having led an urban uprising that went on for several years; in Mashhad the Salar was in revolt against the Qājārs and was in receipt of considerable assistance from the townspeople; on the death of Muhammad Shāh there were disturbances in a number of urban centres including Shīrāt. Kirmānshāh, Tabrīz, and even Tihrān.Google Scholar
76 Kazemi, “Preliminary Observations,” pp. 130–31.Google Scholar
77 Ivanov, “Babi Uprisings.” p. 521.Google Scholar
78 See dispatches of Shiel and Dolgoruki and other European sources quoted in Momen, Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions. pp. 4–8, 44–45.Google Scholar
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80 Gobineau, Religions. p. 313.Google Scholar
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84 Gobineau, Religions. p. 134.Google Scholar
85 Keddie, “Religion and Irreligion,” pp. 268–69.Google Scholar
86 The American Protestant missionaries who arrived in 1834 confined their work to the Nestorian Christian villages around Lake Urmiyya. They therefore had almost no impact on the Muslim majority until 1872 when the Tihran mission was set up and work among Muslims begun.Google Scholar