Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2plfb Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-30T16:10:54.201Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

SALAFI THOUGHT IN TURKISH PUBLIC DISCOURSE SINCE 1980

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 July 2017

Andrew Hammond
Andrew Hammond*
Affiliation:
Andrew Hammond is a Doctoral Candidate in the Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford (Sant), Oxford, UK; e-mail: [email protected]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Turkey has been absent from the growing literature on the phenomenon of transnational Salafism. A tendency among Middle East specialists to focus on Arab regions and in Turkey on the Islamist movement and its long struggle with the Kemalist establishment has perpetuated the notion of Turkey as a category apart. This article argues that, on the contrary, Salafism is a fringe strand of Turkish Islam that began to evolve in the context of the state's effort in the 1980s to recalibrate religion as a complement to nationalism. Salafism became a topic of discussion in media and scholarly writing in Turkish religious studies faculties, while self-styled Salafi preachers trained in Saudi Arabia found a niche through publishing houses. These publishers facilitated the translation into Turkish of Arabic texts by important Saudi religious scholars in an effort to change the discursive landscape of Islam in Turkey. I show that contra assumptions of a rich Sufi tradition acting as a block against modern Salafi ideas, Salafism managed to gain a foothold in Turkey, facilitated in part by the republic's experience of secular materialism.

Keywords

global SalafismMiddle East studiespolitical Islamrepublican TurkeySaudi Arabia
Type
Articles
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 49 , Issue 3 , August 2017 , pp. 417 - 435
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

NOTES

Author's note: I thank Pembroke College, Oxford, for funding to undertake research in Turkey.

1 Bardakoğlu, Ali, “Selefiliğin Geleceğine İlişkin Perspektifler,” in Tarihte ve Günümüzde Selefilik, ed. Kavas, Ahmet (Istanbul: Ensar Neşriyat, 2014), 662 Google Scholar.

2 For example, see Jamie Dettmer, “Growing Unease Over Turkish Jihadists in Syria,” Voice of America, 8 October 2013, accessed 31 October 2016, http://www.voanews.com/content/growing-unease-over-turkish-jihadists-in-syria/1765615.html.

3 In 2001 neither was there a spelling convention in Western media; see J. Hooper and B. Whitaker, “Salafee Views Unite Terror Suspects: The Binding Tie,” The Guardian, 26 October 2001.

4 Notable works which give an excellent account of political Islam in Turkey while ignoring Salafism include Yavuz, Hakan, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Yavuz, , Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cizre, Ümit, ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the Justice and Development Party (London: Routledge, 2008)Google Scholar; Hale, William and Özbudun, Ergun, Islamism, Democracy and Liberalism in Turkey: The Case of the AKP (New York: Routledge, 2010)Google Scholar; and Kuru, Ahmet T. and Stepan, Alfred C., eds., Democracy, Islam and Secularism in Turkey (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012)Google Scholar. General histories of modern Turkey tend to give only brief consideration to other forms of Islamist thought and activism.

5 Meijer, Roel, Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009)Google Scholar and Roy, Olivier, Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004)Google Scholar are important in defining transnational Salafism today but say little about Turkey.

6 Area studies programs tend to associate Islam with the Arab Middle East. See Khalidi, Rashid, “Arab Nationalism: Historical Problems in the Literature,” American Historical Review 96 (1991): 1363 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Arabic transliteration is used for Islamic terms but Turkish with some Turkish texts, indicated with Ar. and Tr. if not clear.

8 Recent works on Salafism as a neologism include El-Rouayheb, Khaled, “From Ibn Hajar al-Haytami (d. 1566) to Khayr al-Din al-Alusi (d. 1899): Changing Views of Ibn Taymiyya among Non-Hanbali Sunni Scholars,” in Ibn Taymiyya and His Times, ed. Rapoport, Yossef and Ahmed, Shahab (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010), 269–318 Google Scholar; Griffel, Frank, “What Do We Mean By ‘Salafī’? Connecting Muḥammad ʿAbduh with Egypt's Nūr Party in Islam's Contemporary Intellectual History,” Die Welt des Islams 55 (2015): 186–220 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lauzière, Henri, “The Construction of Salafiyya: Reconsidering Salafism from the Perspective of Conceptual History,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 42 (2010): 369–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Lauzière thinks the radical antitaqlid groups have more rights to the term Salafiyya than the modernists, a position Griffel rejects. On the idea of “Salafism” having some kind of deeper historical resonance, see Bernard Haykel, “On the Nature of Salafi Thought and Action,” Global Salafism, 33–57, esp. 38.

9 They would include Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi (1856–1924), Khayr al-Din al-Alusi (1836–99), Mahmud al-Alusi (1802–54), author of Gharaʾib al-Ightirab (Baghdad: Maktabat al-Shahbandar, 1909), and Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi (1866–1914), author of Dalaʾil al-Tawhid (Damascus: al-Fayhaʾ Press, 1908). Al-Qasimi avoided Ibn Taymiyya's extreme views on takfīr; see Sirry, Mun'im, “Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī and the Salafi Approach to Sufism,” Die Welt des Islams 51 (2011): 75–108 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 ʿAbduh also opposed taqlid but for modernist purposes. On Salafiyya and Arabism, see Commins, David, Islamic Reform: Politics and Social Change in Late Ottoman Syria (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; and Weismann, Itzchak, Taste of Modernity: Sufism Salafiya, and Arabism in Late Ottoman Damascus (Leiden: Brill, 2001)Google Scholar.

11 Risalat al-Muʾtamar al-Khamis (Cairo, 1939), 14–16; cited in Mitchell, Richard, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 14 Google Scholar.

12 Tamam, Husam, Tasalluf al-Ikhwan: Taʾakul al-Utruha al-Ikhwaniyya wa-Suʿud al-Salafiyya fi Jamaʿat al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin (Alexandria, Egypt: Bibliotheca Alexandrina/Future Studies Unit, 2010)Google Scholar.

13 In her study Islamism in Morocco: Religion, Authoritarianism, and Electoral Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2008), Malika Zeghal shows that Salafism retained currency in Morocco into the 1950s as a religious nationalism informed by both Wahhabism and the modernists.

14 Roy, Globalized Islam, 272.

15 Haykel, “On the Nature of Salafi Thought and Action,” 36.

16 See Meijer, “Introduction,” Global Salafism, 1–32; and Haykel, “On the Nature of Salafi Thought and Action,” 33–57. The typology was earlier developed in Wiktorowicz, Quintan, “Anatomy of the Salafi Movement,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 29 (2006): 207–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 The English term, despite its popularity, emerges from no direct equivalent in Arabic.

18 This school is often referred to as the Madkhali school after Saudi scholar Rabiʿ al-Madkhali on account of his propagandistic progovernment positions in the 1990s, but in its quietist approach regarding political activity and obedience to the legitimate ruler it would include his teachers al-Albani and Bin Baz.

19 On al-Albani's relationship with Bin Baz, see Stephane Lacroix, “Between Revolution and Apoliticism: Nasir al-Din al-Albani and His Impact on the Shaping of Contemporary Salafism,” Global Salafism, 58–80.

20 See Hammond, Andrew, “Rereading Jihadi Texts: Between Subalternity and Policy Discourse,” in Political Islam and Global Media: The Boundaries of Religious Identity, ed. Mellor, Noha and Rinnawi, Khalil (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016), 67–85 Google Scholar.

21 Meijer, “Introduction,” 29.

22 Khaled Hroub, “Salafi Formations in Palestine,” Global Salafism, 222–44.

23 Laurent Bonnefoy, “Salafism in Yemen: A ‘Saudisation’?,” Global Salafism, 323–40.

24 Nourhaidi Hasan, “Ambivalent Doctrines and Conflicts in the Salafi Movement,” Global Salafism, 187.

25 Mohamed-Ali Adraoui, “Salafism in France: Ideology, Practices and Contradictions,” Global Salafism, 369.

26 Paşa, Ahmet Cevdet, Tarih-i Cevdet, 2nd ed. (Istanbul: Matbaa-i Osmaniye, 1892), 7:186Google Scholar. He also cites a number of refutations of Wahhabism in the section “Mezheb-i Vehabinin Keyfiyet-i Zuhur ve İntişarı,” 182–207.

27 Al-Fahad, Abdulaziz, “From Exclusivism to Accommodation: Doctrinal and Legal Evolution of Wahhabism,” New York University Law Review 79 (2004): 500–501 Google Scholar.

28 Al-Alusi, Gharaʾib al-Ightirab, 388; cited in El-Rouayheb, “From Ibn Hajar al-Haytami,” 307–8.

29 Rida removed some passages regarding emulation of Europeans in his edition of ʿAbduh's Risalat al-Tawhid and added praise of Ibn Taymiyya to suggest he had been a central figure in ʿAbduh's thought. See El-Rouayheb, “From Ibn Hajar al-Haytami,” 311. On ʿAbduh's use of ijtihād, see Sedgwick, Mark, Muhammad Abduh (Oxford: Oneworld, 2009), 122–28Google Scholar.

30 Religious scholar Ömer Nasuhi Bilmen, who served as the head of Diyanet in 1960, repeats this citation of Selefiyye in his Muvazzah İlmi Kelam (Istanbul: Fethi Demir Matbaası, 1955).

31 al-Kawthari, Muhammad Zahid, “al-Lamadhhabiyya Qantarat al-Ladiniyya,” in Maqalat al-Kawthari, by al-Kawthari (Cairo: Al Tawfikia, Bookshop, 1953), 129–36Google Scholar. Kevseri became a bête noire for the Salafis.

32 See Guida, Michelangelo, “The New Islamists’ Understanding of Democracy in Turkey: The Examples of Ali Bulaç and Hayreddin Karaman,” Turkish Studies 11 (2010): 359–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Islamic law professor Hayreddin Karaman was accused of advancing antitaqlid Salafism in his journal Nesil and İslam Hukukunda İçtihad (1975). See also Sedgwick, Muhammad Abduh, 95–102.

33 On republican angst over the fate of Hanafi-Maturidism, see İşcan, Mehmet Zaki, “Türk Basınında Matüridi Ve Matürıdilik,” in Büyük Türk Bilgini Imam Matüridi ve Matürıdilik, Marmara University Divinity Faculty conference papers no. 261 (Istanbul: Ilahiyat Fakültesi Vakfı Yayınları, 2012), 478–92Google Scholar.

34 See Findley, Carter, Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity: A History, 1789–2007 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2010), 20 Google Scholar. See also Mardin, Şerif, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1989), 230 Google Scholar. For Haykel's comment, see Haykel, “On the Nature of Salafi Thought and Action,” 36.

35 Mardin, Religion and Social Change, 176, 208. Mysticism deflected Muslims from the task of facing the challenge of secular materialism through direct reference to scripture.

36 Brockett, Gavin, How Happy to Call Oneself a Turk: Provincial Newspapers and the Negotiation of a Muslim National Identity (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 2011), esp. chap. 4Google Scholar.

37 See Findley, Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity, 287; Shankland, David, Islam and Society in Turkey (Huntingdon: Eothen, 1999), 46, 63Google Scholar; and Algar, Hamid, “The Naqshbandi Order in Republican Turkey,” Islamic World Report 1 (1996): 51–67 Google Scholar. On the Motherland Party, see Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, 53.

38 For more on the history of Diyanet, see Gözaydın, İstar, “Diyanet and Politics,” The Muslim World 98 (2008): 216–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Muslim League collaboration, see Ahmad, Feroz, The Turkish Experiment in Democracy 1950–1975 (London: Hurst, 1977), 381 Google Scholar.

39 On this period of Saudi ideological expansion, see El Fadl, Khaled Abou, “Islam and the Theology of Power,” Middle East Report 221 (2001): 28–33 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and El Fadl, Abou, Speaking in God's Name: Islamic Law, Authority and Women (Oxford: One World Books, 2008)Google Scholar. On the second round of Saudi expansion in the early 2000s, see Al-Rasheed, Madawi, ed., Kingdom without Borders: Saudi Arabia's Political, Religious and Media Frontiers (London: Hurst, 2008)Google Scholar.

40 Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, 304.

41 Ahmad, , “Islamic Reassertion in Turkey,” Third World Quarterly 10 (1988): 762 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Mumcu, Uğur, Rabıta (Ankara: Tekin Yayınevi, 1987), 193 Google Scholar.

43 Zürcher, Eric, “The Importance of Being Secular: Islam in the Service of the National and Pre-National State,” in Turkey's Engagement with Modernity: Conflict and Change in the Twentieth Century, ed. Kerslake, Celia, Öktem, Kerem, and Robins, Philip (London: Routledge Curzon, 2005), 65.Google Scholar

44 Ahmad, “Islamic Reassertion in Turkey,” 765.

45 Little has been written on İbda. The group is discussed in Jenkins, Gareth, Political Islam in Turkey: Running West, Heading East? (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 201–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jenkins, , “Turkey's Islamic Raiders of the Greater East Seeking Ties with al-Qaeda?,” Jamestown Terrorism Focus 4 (2007): 6–7 Google Scholar; and Jonathan Fighel, “Great East Islamic Raiders Front (IBDA-C)—A Profile,” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, 1 December 2003, accessed 3 May 2015, http://www.ict.org.il/Article.aspx?ID=892. In Turkish, see Büyükkara, Mehmet, “Türkiye'deki Radikal Dini-Siyasi Akımlar,” Demokrasi Platformu 2 (2006): 205–34Google Scholar; and Çakır, Ruşen, Ayet ve Slogan: Türkiye'deki İslami Oluşumlar (İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 1991), 166–76Google Scholar. Çakır's book is one of the few resources for non-Milli Görüş Islamic movements of the 1970s and 1980s.

46 An Islamic discussion group called the Malatya Fikir Kulübü was established by religious scholar Mehmet Said Çekmegil (1921–2004) in the 1960s; its members included students who studied in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. It is not clear if they applied the Salafi label or were among the small number of Turks who fought in Afghanistan. See Mustafa Peköz, “Selefiler-AKP kolkola: El Kaide'leşen AKP,” Açık Gazete, 21 August 2012; and “Özgür-Der Eğitim Seminerlerinde Bu Hafta,” Ozgurder.org, 25 October 2016, accessed 25 October 2016, http://www.ozgurder.org/news_print.php?id=768.

47 See Peköz, “Selefiler-AKP kolkola”; and Ismail Yaşa, “Türkiyeli Selefiler Tekfirci mi?,” Tevhid Haber, 24 July 2009, accessed 30 October 2016, http://www.tevhidhaber.com/news_detail.php?id=60097. Yaşa is one of a number of AKP supporters/members who describe themselves using the Salafi label.

48 See Farquhar, Michael, “Saudi Petrodollars, Spiritual Capital, and the Islamic University of Medina: A Wahhabi Missionary Project in Transnational Perspective,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 47 (2015): 701–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

49 On his website, one section is titled, “Why Am I Salafi?,” 22 April 2014, accessed 30 October 2016, http://www.ubeydullaharslan.com/index2.php?sayfa_id=121&id=96&l=1.

50 A former colleague of Ebu Said, Abu Emre manages the Ankara bookstore Kitap ve Sünneti İhya Yayınevi.

51 He runs a Konya bookstore called Neda Kitap.

52 He established the İlim-Der association in Izmir. See http://www.ilim-der.com, accessed 30 October 2016.

53 For his Twitter account, see https://twitter.com/feyzullahpolen, accessed 27 October 2016.

54 For example, see al-Athari, Abdullah, Islamic Beliefs: A Brief Introduction to the ʿAqidah of Ahl as-Sunnah wal-Jamaʿah (Riyadh: International Islamic Publishing House, 2004)Google Scholar.

55 See http://www.guraba.com.tr/vitrin/hakkimizda.html, accessed 30 October 2016.

56 This site lists twenty-one titles; http://islamhouse.com/ar/author/6996/books/showall/1, accessed 30 October 2016.

57 See the photograph on his Twitter page; https://twitter.com/AbdullaYolcu, accessed 30 October 2016.

58 Abdulhamid el-Eseri, Abdullah b., Ehl-i Sünnet ve'l-Cemaat'e Göre İman: Hakikati, Onu Zedeleyen ve Bozan Şeyler, trans. Ahmed İyibildiren (Istanbul: Guraba, 2014), 735 Google Scholar. When Yolcu writes that “the Selef-i Salihin had not seen a ruler who did not rule by God's shariʿa,” his implication is that Muslim rulers are guilty of this in the contemporary world. See also Yolcu, Abdullah, Selef-i Salihin Akidesi: Ehl-I Sünnet ve'l-Cemaat (Istanbul: Guraba, 2014), 235–42Google Scholar.

59 “They are trying to reconcile Islam and the West; they rely on Sufism rather than the Qurʾan and the sunna”; interview with the author (in Arabic), Istanbul, 26 March 2015.

60 The Turkish-language works I review, published either under the name Yolcu or el-Eseri, include the pocket handbooks İslami Açıdan Yılbaşı Kutlaması (New Year Celebrations from an Islamic Perspective, 2014) and İslami Açıdan Dostluk ve Düşmanlık (Friendship and Enmity from an Islamic Perspective, 2005), in addition to Kur'an ve Sünnet'in Işığında İslam’ın Şartları (The Pillars of Islam in the Qurʾan and Sunna, 2010), Meşru ve Gayrımeşru Tevessül: Çeşitleri ve Hükümleri (Legitimate and Illegitimate Supplication: Forms and Judgements, 2013), İslami Açıdan Müzik ve Teganni (Music and Singing from an Islamic Perspective, 2013), and Selef-i Salihin Akidesi: Ehl-i Sünnet ve'l-Cemaat (Belief of the Pious Ancestors: The Sunni Tradition, 2014) and Ehl-i Sünnet ve'l-Cemaat'e Göre İman: Hakikati, Onu Zedeleyen ve Bozan Şeyler (Faith According to the Sunni Tradition: Its Truth, What Harms It and What Spoils It, 2014), both of which act as Yolcu's flagship statements of position.

61 Yolcu, Abdullah, Kur'an ve Sünnet'in Işığında İslam’ın Şartları (Istanbul: Guraba, 2010), 29–30, 62Google Scholar.

62 Ibid., 81–95.

63 ʿAbd Allah bin ʿAbd al-Hamid al-Athari, al-Wajiz fiʿAqidat al-Salaf al-Salih (Riyadh: Wizarat al-Shuʾun al-Islamiyya, 2002). Guraba published it in Istanbul in Arabic in 1997.

64 Muhammed Raşid b. Halid Karaköylü, former imam of the Van Şerefiye mosque in eastern Turkey.

65 Yolcu, Selef-i Salihin Akidesi, 59, 66, 69.

66 al-Hamid al-Athari, ʿAbd Allah bin ʿAbd, al-Iman: Haqiqatuhu, Khawarimuhu, Nawaqiduhu ʿInd Ahl al-Sunna wa-l-Jamaʿa (Riyadh: Madar al-Watan, 2003)Google Scholar.

67 El-Eseri, Ehl-i Sünnet ve'l-Cemaat'e Göre İman, 44.

68 Ibid., 741.

69 El-Eseri, Meşru ve Gayrımeṣru Tevessül, trans. İyibildiren, 153–73, esp. 155–56. He gives no comment on juristic talfīq, which ʿAbduh applied. The book was published in Arabic as bin, ʿAbd Allah ʿAbd al-Hamid al-Athari, al-Tawassul al-Mashruʿ wa-l-Mamnuʿ: Anwaʿ wa-Ahkam (Istanbul: Guraba, 2013)Google Scholar.

70 El-Eseri, Abdullah b. Abdulhamid, İslami Açıdan Müzik ve Teganni, trans. Mustafa Öztürk (Istanbul: Guraba, 2013), 17–18 Google Scholar. Published in Arabic as bin, ʿAbd Allah ʿAbd al-Hamid al-Athari, al-Ghinaʾ wa-l-Musiqa bayn al-Lahw wa-l-Waʿid (Istanbul: Guraba, 2001)Google Scholar.

71 Ibid., 115.

72 Ibid., 118–24.

73 Ibid., 242–43.

74 Ibid., 141–42.

75 Ibid., 169.

76 Ibid., 240.

77 Ibid., 140–70 (the section titled “Sufi Sema'nin Hükmü”). For the Arabic, see al-Athari, al-Ghinaʾ wa-l-Musiqa, 171–208.

78 El-Eseri, Meşru ve Gayrımeşru Tevessül, 244. For türbe the Arabic version uses the term mashhad; al-Athari, al-Tawassul al-Mashruʿ wa-l-Mamnuʿ, 283.

79 Yolcu, Selef-i Salihin Akidesi, 1689.

80 El-Eseri, Ehl-i Sünnet ve'l-Cemaat'e Göre İman, 762.

81 Meijer, “Introduction,” 13.

82 Haykel, “On the Nature of Salafi Thought and Action,” 36.

83 The cover of issue 5 shows an image of army soldiers with a caption declaring that “those who commit kufr are fighting in the path of the tyrant.” The issue's foreword condemns “democracy, laïcité, communism, Christianity and Judaism,” and an article offering shariʿa justifications for taking non-Muslims as wives and slaves in war addresses Muslim intellectuals and Western liberals, declaring: “Islam has a concubinage and slavery system, even if the infidels don't like it . . . The Islamic State will never distort religion or conceal principles that don't appeal to infidels in order to look nice.” See “Slave and Concubinage Rights in Islam,” Konstantiniyye 5 (2016): 14–22, quote at 22.

84 See Hilmi Demir and Selim Koru, “The Islamic State's Plans for Turkey,” War on the Rocks, 18 January 2016, accessed 19 September 2016, http://warontherocks.com/2016/01/the-islamic-states-plans-for-turkey/.

85 Haim Malka, “The Struggle for Religious Identity in Tunisia and the Maghreb,” Centre for Strategic & International Studies, May 2014, accessed 27 October 2016, https://www.csis.org/analysis/struggle-religious-identity-tunisia-and-maghreb. See also Noureddine Miladi, “Social Media as a New Identity Battleground,” in Political Islam and Global Media, 34–47.

86 A search of the official Council of Higher Education's database shows that thirty-six masters theses and seven doctorates with titles citing the word Salafi have been conducted since 1999. See http://tez.yok.gov.tr/, accessed 20 September 2015.

87 Bulaç is discussed in Guida, “The New Islamists,” 347–70; Meeker, , “The New Muslim Intellectuals in the Republic of Turkey,” in Islam in Modern Turkey: Religion, Politics and Literature in a Secular State, ed. Tapper, Richard (London: I.B.Tauris, 1991), 189–219 Google Scholar; Perekli, Feriha, “The Ideological Framing of the National Outlook Parties in Turkey,” New Middle Eastern Studies 2 (2012): 1–21 Google Scholar; and Taştan, Osman, “Religion and (Religious) Minorities,” in Turkey since 1970: Politics, Economy, Society, ed. Lovatt, Debbie (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 137–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

88 Bulaç, Ali, İslam Düşüncesinde Din-Felsefe/Vahiy-Akıl İlişkisi (Istanbul: Beyan Yayınları, 1994)Google Scholar. See index.

89 Ali Bulaç, “Modern Selefilik,” Zaman, 30 October 2014 and “Selefilik ve Haricilik,” Zaman, 6 October 2014.

90 See Efe Murat Balıkçıoğlu, “Osmanlıcanın ideolojisi,” T24, 5 March 2015, accessed 18 September 2016, http://t24.com.tr/k24/yazi/osmanlica, 88. The classic study on republican language politics is Lewis, Geoffrey, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

91 Bulaç, , Kutsala, Tarihe ve Hayata Dönüş (Istanbul: Yeni Akademi Yayınları, 2006), 159 Google Scholar.

92 Ibid., 269.

93 Ibid., 270.

94 Ibid., 272.

95 Ibid., 275.

96 A list of titles and abstracts can be accessed at http://www.marife.org/sayilar.php?dil=tr&did=27, accessed 30 October 2016.

97 For example, see Kubat, Mehmet, “Selefi Perspektifin Tarihselliği,” İslâmi Araştırmalar Dergisi 17:3 (2004): 235–51Google Scholar; and Sönmez, Vecihi, “Selef Düşüncesinin Tarihi Arkaplanı ve Selefilik,” Araşan Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Ilmi Dergisi 9–10 (2010): 169–85 BishkekGoogle Scholar.

98 For example, see Akgün, Birol and Bozbaş, Gökhan, “Arap Dünyasında Siyasi Selefizm ve Mısır Örneği,” Akademik Ortadoğu 14 (2013): 1–38 Google Scholar. See also Yıldırım, Ramazan, “Cemaatten Partiye Dönüşen Selefîlik,” SETA, Istanbul, December 2013, and Mehmet Ali Büyükkara, “11 Eylül'le Derinleşen Ayrılık: Suudi Selefiyye ve Cihadi Selefiyye,” Dini Araştırmaları 7 (2004): 205–34Google Scholar.

99 İşcan, “Türk Basınında Matüridi ve Matürıdilik,” 487. Salafism is mentioned by name once, in a citation from Gündüz Aktan.

100 See Duran, Bünyamin, “Meşru Demokrasi,” Köprü 68 (Autumn 1999): 112–18Google Scholar.

101 See Başer, Sait, Yahya Kemal'de Türk Müslümanlığı (Istanbul: Seyran, 1998)Google Scholar.

102 Gündüz Aktan, “Derdimiz Ne? (2),” Radikal, 31 August 2006; “Geleceğe Doğru (3),” Radikal, 7 January 2006.

103 See Avni Özgürel, “Osmanlı’da Dindar-Laik Çekişmesi,” Radikal, 14 May 2006.

104 See Atılgan Bayar, “Evet, Atatürk Matüridi Meşrebti: Teoloji Bilmeyen Niçin Devlet Yönetemez?,” Habertürk, 11 July 2007.

105 Aktan, “Derdimiz Ne? (2).”

106 Hilmi Demir, “Nakşibendilik Selefileşiyor mu?,” 21. Yüzyıl Türkiye Enstitüsü, 17 September 2014.

107 Hayreddin Karaman, Ali Bardakoğlu, and Yunus Apaydın, İlmihal 1: İman ve İbadetler (Istanbul, Diyanet Religious Affairs Directorate, 1998), 23.

108 el-Bûtî, Said Ramazan, Selefiye: İslami Bir Ekol/Mezheb Değil, Zamansız Bir Aşamadır, trans. Vecihi Sönmez (Istanbul: Ehl-i Sünnet ve Cemaat Yayınları, 2009)Google Scholar.

109 See Türkmen, Hamza, Türkiye'deki İslamcılığın Kökleri (Istanbul: Ekin, 2014), 168 Google Scholar.

110 Zilfi, Madeline C., The Politics of Piety: The Ottoman Ulema in the Post-Classical Age (1600–1800) (Minneapolis, Minn.: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1988), 40 Google Scholar.

111 El-Rouayheb, Khaled, Islamic Intellectual History in the Seventeenth Century: Scholarly Currents in the Ottoman Empire and the Maghreb (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 15, 19, 191CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

112 A key work of their mentor Birgivi Mehmed Efendi (d. 1573), his al-Tariqa al-Muhammadiyya, was an Ottoman educational text throughout the 19th century in Egypt; see İhsanoğlu, Ekmeleddin, The Turks in Egypt and their Cultural Legacy (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2012), 130 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. But as a Maturidi theologian who advocated study of kalām and logic, Birgivi Mehmed does not fit the profile of today's Salafis.

113 Perekli, “The Ideological Framing of the National Outlook Parties in Turkey,” 7n34.

114 A usage given by Karaman, Hayreddin, Laik Düzende Dini Yaşamak 1 (Istanbul: İz Ayıncılık, 2002)Google Scholar; see Section 1, “Selefiyye'den Kur'an Müslümanlığına,” accessed 20 September 2015, http://www.hayrettinkaraman.net/yazi/laikduzen/1/0043.htm.

115 Diyanet Religious Affairs Directorate, Daiş’in Temel Felsefesi ve Dini Referansları Raporu (Ankara: Diyanet, 2015), 8.

116 Melton, J. Gordon, “Perspective: Toward a Definition of ‘New Religion,’” Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 8 (2004): 73–87 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Wahhabism as a marginal movement that moved into the mainstream, see Hamadi Redissi, “The Refutation of Wahhabism in Arabic Sources, 1745–1932,” in Kingdom Without Borders, 157–81.

117 Meijer, “Introduction,” 29.

118 Lefevere, André and Bassnett, Susan, eds., Translation, History and Culture (London: Pinter, 1990), 11 Google Scholar.

119 André Lefevere, “Translation: Its Genealogy in the West,” in Translation, History and Culture, 24.

120 In 2014 a number of writers began to discuss jihadi Salafism in Turkey in print media. See Rüşen Çakır, “Selefileri Beklerken,” Vatan, 11 March 2014; İlhami Güler, “Yükselen Selefilik ve Tarihsel Kritiğe Olan İhtiyaç,” İslami Analiz, 11 September 2014; Yusuf Kaplan, “Islam Dünyasının ‘Püsküllü Bela'sı: Neo-Selefiler,” Yeni Şafak, 9 October 2014; and Tayfun Atay, “Selefilik, Sekülerlik, Laiklik ve İslam—1,” Radikal, 16 January 2015.

121 Rabil, Robert, Salafism in Lebanon: From Apoliticism to Transnational Jihadism (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2014)Google Scholar. On Salafism in Lebanon, see Pall, Zoltan, Lebanese Salafis between the Gulf and Europe (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2013)Google Scholar.

122 Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey, 230.

123 The prevalence of Sufism has not been a barrier to Salafism, in fact it attracts it. The Wahhabis responded to widespread Sufi practices in the Najd and the Hijaz. Sufi educational systems came under threat in rural Pakistan in the early 20th century; see Rahman, Fazlur, Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 115 Google Scholar.

124 Yavuz, Hakan, “The Matrix of Modern Turkish Islamic Movements: The Naqshbandi Sufi Order,” in Naqshbandis in Western and Central Asia, ed. Özdalga, Elisabeth (Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, 1999), 136 Google Scholar.

125 For example, Özdalga, Elisabeth, “The Hidden Arab: A Critical Reading of the Notion of ‘Turkish Islam,’” Middle Eastern Studies 42 (2006): 551–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.