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The Formation of Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

C. Ernest Dawn
C. Ernest Dawn
Affiliation:
History DepartmentUniversity of Illinois
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Extract

Arab nationalism arose as an opposition movement in Ottoman Syria, Palestine, and Iraq around the turn of the century. It remained a minority movement until the Ottoman collapse in 1918, but after the Ottoman defeat it became the overwhelmingly dominant movement in these territories where, except for some Lebanese, all successful politicians were Arab nationalists during the interwar years. Just what Arab nationalism meant to its proponents at the time, however, has been difficult to determine. The period only dimly figures in studies of Arab nationalism. Full studies have been devoted to survivors from the past, Rashid Rida⊃ and Shakib Arsian, to Sati⊂ al-Husri (al-Husari), a relative newcomer whose greatest prominence was to be in the 1940s and 1950s, and to the Muslim Brothers, who arrived on the scene even later, whose influence was to lie in the future, and who, like Rida⊃, were not considered to be primarily Arab nationalists. Otherwise, hardly a scant handful of pre-World War II Arab nationalist writers, and these from the late 1930s, receive even casual mention.

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Articles
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 20 , Issue 1 , February 1988 , pp. 67 - 91
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1988

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References

Author's note: This paper is based in part on research done while the author was a fellow of the Institute for Advanced Studies of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The author alone is responsible for its contents. Bruce D. Craig of the University of Chicago Library located and provided a copy of the important essay by Rashid Rida' cited in n. 60. An earlier version of this paper was presented to the annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association, San Francisco, November 29, 1984.

1 Dawn, C. Ernest, From Ottomanism to Arabism: Essays on the Origins of Arab Nationalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973) (these essays were first published in 1957–1962).Google Scholar The views ofAntonius, George, The Arab Awakening (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1937)Google Scholar andKohn, Hans, A History of Nationalism in the East, Green, Margaret M., trans. (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1939),Google Scholar are still to be found, in whole or in part, and often combined.Zeine, Zeine N., Arab-Turkish Relations and the Emergence of Arab Nationalism (Beirut: Khayat's, 1958)Google Scholar (new edition: The Emergence of Arab Nationalism: With a Background Study of Arab-Turkish Relations in the Near East, Beirut: Khayat's, 1966), departs radically from Antonius with respect to the nineteenth century, but like him regards Arab separatism as a reaction to the Committee of Union and Progress Turkification and Turkism. A more subtle version of the same interpretation is given byTibawi, A. L., A Modern History of Syria, including Lebanon and Palestine (London: Macmillan and New York: St. Martin's Press, 1969).Google ScholarTibi, Bassam, Arab Nationalism: A Critical Enquiry, Farouk-Sluglett, Marion and Sluglett, Peter, ed. and trans. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981;CrossRefGoogle Scholar the German original was published in 1971) includes Dawn's findings in a model of rampant eclecticism, which combines the Antonius and Kohn theses (see esp. pp. 87–89). Dawn's conclusions are ambiguously accepted byKhalidi, Rashid Ismail, British Policy Towards Syria and Palestine, 1906–1914: A Study of the Antecedents of the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence, the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and the Balfour Declaration (London: Ithaca Press for the Middle East Center, St. Anthony's College, Oxford, 1980)Google Scholar and“Social Factors in the Rise of the Arab Movement in Syria,” From Nationalism to Revolutionary Islam, Arjomand, Said Amir, ed. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984), pp. 53–70;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and byHourani, Albert, “‘The Arab Awakening’ Forty Years After,” The Emergence of the Modern Middle East (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 201–3,CrossRefGoogle Scholar but both seem to believe that the Arab nationalists had become a majority or a near majority by 1914 as a result of Arab reaction to CUP policies and to Zionism.Cleveland, William L., The Making of an Arab Nationalist: Ottomanism and Arabism in the Life and Thought of Sati⊂ al-Husri (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1971)Google Scholar andIslam Against the West: Shakib Arslan and the Campaign for Islamic Nationalism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985),Google Scholar examines in detail the careers of two prominent pre-1918 Ottomanist who converted to Arabism after the War.Khoury, Philip S., Urban Notables and Arab Nationalism: The Politics of Damascus 1860–1920 (Cambridge, London, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar develops and expands on Dawn's conclusions with much new material.Kedourie, Elie in various articles collected in The Chatham House Version and Other Middle-Eastern Studies, 1st ed. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970), esp. pp. 206, 213–19, 287–90, 302–3, 306, 319–20, 324, 330, 333, 338, 342, 369, 378–79, 381,Google Scholar and inArabic Political Memoirs and other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), esp. pp. 125, 136, 165–66, 168, 178,Google Scholar believes that Arab nationalism was created by the spread of European theological and political doctrines, which weakened the hold of Islam and Christianity, and was established by military officers installed in power by the British after World War I, and spread by them and the British and by King Faruq and his entourage. Arab nationalism is a post- World War I phenomenon. Much the same view is set forth byHaim, Sylvia G., “Introduction,” Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1962), esp. pp. 10, 15, 18–19, 27, 35, 49, 56–61, 70 n. 148, 72 at n. 156.Google ScholarSharabi, Hisham, Arab Intellectuals and the West: The Formative Years, 1875–1914 (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1970),Google Scholar makes no reference to Dawn's essays but in similar fashion depicts the prewar Arab nationalist political movement as a minority movement composed of privileged persons pursuing office, interest, and privilege and little different in these respects from their opponents (see esp. 88–89, 115, 116–17, 122, 123).

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6 lst ed. (Cairo: al-Matba⊂a al-Salafiyya, 1349/[1930]), 2d ed. (Haifa: al-Maktaba al-Wataniyya al-⊂Arabiyya and Damascus: Matb⊂a al-Sadaqa, 1352/[1933]), 3d ed. (Damascus: Maktaba al-⊂Irfa, 1357H/ AD 1938).

7 lst ed. (Cairo: Matb⊂a al-Salafiyya, 1350/[1931]), 2d ed. (Jerusalem: Matba a Dar al-Aytam al-Islami al-Sana⊂iyya, 1355/1936).

8 1st ed. (Baghdad: Matb⊂a al-Ma⊂arif, 1350/1931), 2d ed. (1351/1932), 3d ed. (1353/[1934]), 4th ed. (Baghdad: Dar al-Haditha, 1355/[1936]), rev. ed. (Baghdad: Government Press, 1939). The fourth edition has not been accessible. Information concerning it has been provided by Dr. Reeva Simon.

9 Tibawi, Abdul Latif, Arab Education in Mandatory Palestine: A Study of Three Decades of British Administration (London: Luzac, 1956), pp. 28–38, 95–97, 193–99;Google ScholarBowman, Humphrey Ernest, Middle-East Window (London, New York, and Toronto: Longmans, Green and Co., 1942), pp. 310–14;Google ScholarMMIAD, 4(1924), 428–29; 11(1931), 704;Google ScholarSimon, Reeva S., “The Teaching of History in Iraq before the Rashid Ali Coup of 1941,” Middle Eastern Studies, 22(1986), 42;CrossRefGoogle ScholarFaris, Nabih Amin, “The Arabs and Their History,” The Middle East Journal (MEJ), 8 (1954), 156–57;Google ScholarZiadeh, Nicola A., “Recent Arabic Literature on Arabism,” MEJ, 6(1952), 471.Google Scholar

10 Haim points to ⊂Abduh's “implicit” “glorification of Arab Islam and … depreciation of Ottoman Islam” (p. 21), and calls Kawakibi “the first true intellectual precursor of modern secular PanArabism” (p. 27), but apparently does not derive Arab nationalism from their thought. Their main influence was, like that of Afghani and others, to “increase skepticism concerning Islam” among Muslims (p. 16). Haim believes that real Arab nationalism was an importation from the West at the time of World War I and that there was no “serious attempt to define [its] meaning” until the late 1930s (p. 35). In order to survive, the newly imported secular Arabism had to become “consonant with” Islam (p. 54). Sharabi divides the Islamic modernists of most students into reformists (e.g., ⊂Abduh) and secularists (e.g., Kawakibi) and assigns to the secularists the position of leading the Arab nationalist movement before 1914 until the end of the interwar period, when it finally collapsed in the face of secular Arab nationalism, which had been created by the Lebanese Christians (see esp. pp. 64, 76–77, 91, 102–3, 107 n. 4, 108–9, 111–12, 118, 122, 123, 128, 131–32, 133). Tibi (pp. 64–68) holds that Islamic modernism contributed to the formation of Arab nationalism, that Kawakibi was an “important pioneer of Arab nationalism” (p. 67), but that Arab nationalism was a secular movement, originating with the Lebanese Christians, “which was eventually to destroy the Islamic revitalization movement” (p. 68), even though Islam was not abandoned by the Arab nationalists.

11 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 2–3, 87 (quotation), 261; Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I, 70; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al- ⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 308, 927 (hereafter, when the first edition is cited, all editions have the text unless otherwise noted; when subsequent editions are cited, the text occurs in all subsequent editions unless otherwise noted);Breasted, James Henry, Ancient Times, A History of the Early World: An Introduction to the Study of Ancient History and the Career of Early Man (Boston, New York, etc.: Ginn, 1916);Google Scholaral-Khatib, Muhibb al-Din, Ittijah al-mawjat al-bashariyya fi-jazira al-⊂arab (Cairo: al-Matb⊂a al-Salafiyya, 1344/1925), pp. 63–64 (n. I to p. 63);Google ScholarBirastid, Jayms Hanri, al-⊂Usur al-qadima was huwa iamhid li-dars al-ta⊃rikh al-qadim wa a⊂mal al-insan al-awwal, Qurban, Da⊃ud, trans. (Beirut: al-Matb⊂a al-Amayrikaniyya, 1926), 2d ed. (1930);Google Scholar Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 1, 4, 6, 7, 451. When all editions have the same text, only the second edition is cited. I have dealt more extensively withMiqdadi, in “An Arab Nationalist View of World Politics and History in the Inter-War Period—Darwish al-Miqdadi,” to appear in The Great Powers in the Middle East: 1919–1939, Dann, Uriel, ed. (London: Holmes and Meier).Google Scholar

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15 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 3, 7–8, 10–12.

16 Khatib, passim, esp. pp. 4–6, 32–35, 46–50, 63–64 (n. I to p. 63; quotation from Shurayqi).

17 Darwaza, , Mukhtasar, 2d ed., 1, 4–5, 11–13, 17–18, 61–72;Google Scholaridem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 3–9; idem, al-Ta'rikh al-qadim, 1st ed., pp. 35–40; Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 10–13, 451.

18 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 6, 14, 106; Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I, 4–5, 11–14 (Husri's direct influence is acknowledged, p. 5 n. I); idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., p. 7; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-qadim, 1st ed., p. 39; Miqdadi, p. 451.

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21 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 172–75, 209; Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., II, 80–81; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 211, 236; Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 332–33, 336.

22 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 257–60; Darwaza, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 255–57, 285, 287–89; Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 460, 462–63, 488, 503–4;Rudhstayn, Tiyudur Arunuwitsch, Ta-⊂rikh misr qabla al-ihgilal al-britani wa-ba⊂dahu, ⊂Shukri, Ali Ahmad, trans. (Cairo, 1345/1927),Google Scholar a translation of Fedor Aronovich (Theodore)Rothstein, , Egypt's Ruin: A Financial and Administrative Record (London: A. C. Fifield, 1910);Google ScholarArslan, Shakib, ed., Hadir al-⊂alam al-islami, by Situdard, Luthruf, Nuwayhid, 'Ajjaj, trans., 2 vols. (Cairo: Matb⊂a 'lsa al-Babi al-Halibi, 1343/1925), II, 276 n. I, 2d ed., 4 vols. (1352/19); IV, 244 n. I;Google ScholarMMIAD, 4(1924), 423–24; 8 (1928), 245; 9(1929), 574–75; 10 (1930), 507–8.Google Scholar

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24 Breasted, pp. 172–74, 177, 181–82, 217–18.

25 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 49–52, 76–77, 104–5, 190 (quotations, pp. 49, 77).

26 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 6, 13, 144, 147, 148, 168–69; Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I, 14; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-qadim, 1st ed., pp. 126, 131, 146, 200; 2d ed., pp. 18–20, 95, 107, 113.

27 E.g., the Marxist writer,Jawzi, Bandali, Min ta⊃rikh al-harakat al-fikriyya fi al-islam, Vol. 1: Min ta⊃rikh al-haraka al-ijtima⊂iyya (Jerusalem, 1928), pp. 6–7;Google ScholarMMIAD, 9 (1929), 402, 403.Google Scholar

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30 Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I, 47, 48–49, 51, 56, 83–84; Miqdadi, 2d ed., 37–38.

31 Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I, 47, 56–57, 70, 84; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 23–25, 37–39, 41–42.

32 Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 22, 27–28, 37, 59–60, 64; Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I, 111–13.

33 Kijib taba'i' al-istibdad wa-sari' al-istib'ad, in al-A'mal al-kamila, 'Imara, Muhammad ed., (Cairo: al-Hay'a al-Misriyya li-al-Ta'lif wa-al-Nashr, 1970), pp. 374–84, esp. p. 378;Google Scholar for a translation, seeHanna, Sami A. and Gardner, George H., Arab Socialism: A Documentary Survey (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969), pp. 217–24, esp. p. 219.Google Scholar

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35 Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I, 137–38 (n. 1 to p. 137); al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 64, 121.

36 MMIAD, 5 (1925), 393–94; 11(1931), 190–91; 13(1933), 253–54; 15(1937), 456–65; 16(1941), 381.Google Scholar

37 See note 27 above.

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40 Miqdadi, 1st ed., p. 249, 2d ed., pp. 31–32, 60–65, 93, 188, 3d ed., pp. 22, 188, 1939 ed., pp. 37–41, 48–49, 75, 159.

41 Hadir al-⊂alam al-islami, 2d ed., I, 187.

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44 Darwaza, Mukhgasar, 2d ed., II, 106–7, 164, 168; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 181–82; Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 358–60, 368–71, 376, 424, 445; Arslan, 2d ed., I, 117–27.

45 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 134–35, 144, 146–49, 216–17; Darwaza, Mukhgasar, 2d ed., I1, 26–29, 39–40, 78–79; 1, 134, 152–53, 156–58, 160–62, 168–70, 184–85, 187, 196, 210; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 186, 193–94, 289; Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 138–39, 243, 256–57, 318, 320, 327, 330, 339, 348–50, 472.

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48 Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I, 35, 162, 164; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 103, 132, 160–61, 219–20.

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51 Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 243, 245–46, 312.

52 Barghuthi and Tuta, pp. 209–10, 217 (quotation, p. 217); Arslan, 1st ed., I, 21–23 (n. 1 to p. 21), 151–52 (n. 1 to p. 151); 2d ed., I, 168, 186–87, 238–39, 329–31; III, 208–342 (esp. 341–42); Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I1, 148; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 151, 184, 219, 229–30, 237, 246–50, 270; Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 332, 420–22, 433, 438–39.

53 MMMD, 4(1924), 330–32, 9(1929), 254–55.

54 Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 451, 493, 520; 3d ed., pp. 509, 521.

55 MMIAD, 7 (1927), 433, 436, 438; 8 (1928), 720; 12(1932), 126;al-Kayyali, Sami, al-Fikr al-⊂arabi bayna madihi wa-hadirihi (Cairo: Matb⊂a al-Ma⊂arif, 1943), pp. 43–44;Google Scholar Darwaza, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi 1st ed., p. 299; Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 337, 494–95.

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58 Darwaza, Mukhtasar, 2d ed., I1, 106, 107, 164, 187–88; idem, al-Ta⊃rikh al-⊂arabi, 1st ed., pp. 181, 182; Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 386–71; Arsian, 2d ed., I, 117–27.

59 Kayyali, pp. 10–11, 83–88, 94–95 (quotations p. 84).

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61 Miqdadi, 2d ed., pp. 144, 322–24; for Arsian and Rida⊃, see below.

62 Arslan, 1st ed., I1, 321 n. 2, 401–2.

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74 The most extensive treatment of early Egyptian Pan-Arab thought is byGershoni, Israel; see his “Arabization of Islam: The Egyptian Salafiyya and the Rise of Arabism in Pre-Revolutionary Egypt,” Asian and African Studies (AAS), 13 (1979), 25–57;Google Scholar“The Emergence of Pan-Nationalism in Egypt: Pan-Islamism and Pan-Arabism in the 1930s,” AAS, 16 (1982), 59–94;Google ScholarThe Emergence of Pan-A rabism in Egypt (Tel-Aviv: Shiloah Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, Tel-Aviv University, 1981). Important material is contained inSmith, Charles D., Islam and the Search for Social Order in Egypt: A Biography of Muhammad Husayn Haykal (New York: State University of New York Press, 1983).Google Scholar On the Muslim Brothers, see also Mitchell, pp. 209–94, and on the YMMA, seeKampffmeyer, Georg, “Egypt and Western Asia,” Whither Islam, Gibb, H. A. R., ed. (London: Victor Gollancz, 1932;Google Scholar reprint New York: AMS Inc., 1973), pp. 103–4, 114–37.

75 For the founders, see Kampffmeyer, pp. 104–5. For the political affiliations and activities of those specified here, see Jundi, A⊂lam wa-ashab aqlam, pp. 212–25, 242–52, 450–57.

76 The earliest Egyptian advocates of Pan-Arabism have been identified by means of the information given in Gershoni, “Arabization of Islam,” p. 26 n. 8, p. 27 n. 9, p. 30 n. 19, p. 34 n. 35, p. 41 n. 57; “Emergence of Pan-Nationalism,” pp. 61–62 at nn. 2–5, pp. 82–88; Emergence of Pan-Arabism, pp. 38–41, pp. 48–59 at n. 70, p. 53 at n. 86, pp. 56–57 at n. 97, p. 58 at n. 103, p. 75 at nn. 163–64, p. 107 n. 70, p. 109 n. 86, p. 111 nn. 97, 103, p. 120 nn. 163–64.

77 Haykal, Muhammad Husayn, Mudhakkirat fi al-siyasa al-misriyya, 2 vols. (Cairo: Maktaba al-Nahda al-Misriyya, 1951–1953), 1, 186, 190, 291, 292, 293;Google Scholaral-Yusuf, Fatima, Dhikrayat, 3d ed. (Cairo: Ruz al-Yusuf, 1976), pp. 166–78, 186, 202, 219Google Scholar;OM, 13(1933), 24, 398–400; 14 (1934), 300–301, 462;Google ScholarDeeb, Marius, Party Politics in Egypt: The Wafd and Its Rivals, 1919–1939 (London: Ithaca Press, 1979), p. 113 n. 299.Google Scholar

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81 Gershoni, Emergence of Pan-Arabism, pp. 47, 51, 73; Coury, pp. 253–54.

82 Jankowski, James P., Egypt's Young Rebels: “Young Egypt,” 1933–1952 (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution, 1975), p. 19;Google Scholar Deeb, p. 413 n. 377.

83 On Young Egypt's early ideology, see Jankowski, pp. 13, 44–78; on Ottomanism and Islamism in pre-1918 Egypt, see idem, “Ottomanism and Arabism in Egypt, 1860–1914,” The Muslim World, 70 (1980), 226–59, andGershoni, Israel, “Between Ottomanism and Egyptianism: The Evolution of ‘National Sentiment’ in the Cairene Middle Class as Reflected in Najib Mahfuz's Bayn al-Qasrayn”, AAS, 17 (1983), 227–63.Google Scholar

84 Jankowski, Egypt's Young Rebels, pp. 9–10, 19–20.

85 Ibid., pp. 18–19.

86 Deeb, pp. 339–40, 377, 401 nn. 165–66, 413 nn. 377–78;Heyworthe-Dunne, James, Religious and Political Trends in Modern Egypt, Near and Middle East Monographs, I (Washington, D.C.: the author, 1950), pp. 14, 23, 24, 27;Google Scholar Mitchell, pp. 16, 23; Jankowski, Egypt's Young Rebels;, pp. 19, 22–23, 32, 35–36, 39–40;Vatikiotis, P. J., Nasser and His Generation (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978), pp. 78–81.Google Scholar

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88 Jankowski, James, “Egyptian Responses to the Palestine Problem in the Interwar Period,” IJMES, 12 (1980), 1–38;Google Scholaridem,“The Government of Egypt and the Palestine Question, 1936–1939,” Middle Eastern Studies, 17 (1981), 427–53;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Coury, “Egypt. Arab Nationalism,” pp. 254–55, 462–63.

89 For examples of apparently opportunistic use of Palestine, see Coury, pp. 255–56.

90 To regard the multitudinous expressions of these thoughts by Arab nationalists, including 'Azzam as “the reflection and reinforcement of a kind of bourgeois self-exultation, [and] a testimony… to the rising fortunes and potentials of a ruling class,” as Coury (p. 470) does, is to ignore the basing of hopes for the future on visions of the past and the encompassing expression of anguish over the present. Coury is correct in pointing out the importance of such themes in many nationalist ideologies. Dawn has never regarded Islamic modernism or Arabism as only or even primarily the defense of an injured self-view. Of at least equal importance is the competition for office, status, and influence.

91 For Zionist use of the Semitic concept, seeCaplan, Neil, Palestine Jewry and the Arab Question, 1917–1925 (London and Totowa, N.J.: Frank Cass, 1978), pp. 124, 180;Google ScholarFlapan, Simha, Zionism and the Palestinians (London: Croom Helm, 1979), p. 155.Google Scholar

92 Smith, Haykal, pp. 56–57, 120–21, 153–54.

93 Dawn, C. Ernest, “Ottoman Affinities of 20th Century Regimes in Syria,” Palestine in the Late Ottoman Period: Political, Social and Economic Transformation, Kushner, David, ed. (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi and Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1986), pp. 181–82.Google Scholar

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96 Jankowski, Egypt's Young Rebels, p. 121; Vatikiotis, pp. 67, 74.

97 Vatikiotis, pp. 85–87, 93–94.

98 For a model thorough and systematic examination of Ba⊂thist and Nasserist ideology, seeCarré, Olivier, La légitimation islamique des socialismes arabes: analyse conceptuelle combinatoire de manuels scholaires égyptiens. syriens et irakiens (Paris: Presses de la Foundation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1979);Google Scholar see also by the same author, Enseignement islamique et idéal socialiste: analyse concepruelle des manuels d'instrucrion musulmane en Égypte (Beirut: Dar al-Mashriq-Librairie Orientate, 1974), and “L'Islam politique dans l'Orient arabe,” Futuribles, 18 (Nov.–Dec. 1978), 747–63.