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German Professoriate under Nazism: A Failure of Totalitarian Aspirations
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 February 2017
Extract
The year 1984 brought much reflection in the popular media on just how far we have become clasped in the totalitarian grip of “big brother.” That question quite aside, Orwell's dreaded date should also be a time to examine to what degree the two large dictatorships of his time—the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany—were really in the “total” control of an Orwellian “Party.” Though Orwell as a journalist had little to say about the schools and much to say about the press and television serving the totalitarian party, few of his readers, then or now, would fail to reflect on what role schooling from kindergarten to university would play in such a society as Orwell feared.
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Notes
1. A recent bibliographical discussion is provided by Giles, Geoffrey, “National Socialism and the Educated Elite in the Weimar Republic,” in The Nazi Machtergreifung, ed. by Stachura, Peter (London and Boston, 1983). This article is particularly good regarding the students. Regarding the professors see Kelly, Reece, “National Socialism and German University Teachers: The NSDAP's Efforts to Create a National Socialist Professoriate and Scholarship,” (diss., University of Washington, 1973), and regarding individual fields of study and individual universities see Beyerchen, Alan, Scientist under Hitler: Politics and the Physics Community in the Third Reich (New Haven, 1977); Losemann, Volker, Nationalsozialismus und Antike (Hamburg, 1977); and Adam, Uwe, Hochschule und Nationalsozialismus: Die Universität Tübingen im Dritten Reich (Tübingen, 1977).Google Scholar
2. Harshorne, Edward Y., The German Universities and National Socialism (Cambridge, Mass., 1937), p. 93 and passim, was one of the first to calculate these losses but his calculations only go to 1937. Kohler, Fritz, “Zur Vertreibung humanistischer Gelehrter 1933/34,” in Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, Vol. 11, No. 7 (1955):696–707, using a study edited by Plessner, Helmuth, Untersuchungen zur Lage der deutschen Hochschullehrer, Vol. 3 (Göttingen, 1956), believes that up to 39% of the professors and lecturers had been removed by 1938, p. 703. To understand how devastating these dismissals were for a discipline, in this case physics and mathematics, see Beyerchen, pp. 43ff.Google Scholar
3. For a review of the reactions of the professors to the regime, see Kelly, , pp. 51–74.Google Scholar
4. This is a view found in the sparse memoir literature of that period: Pascher, Joseph, Kunkel, Wolfgang, and Leist, Fritz in Die deutsche Universität im Dritten Reich; von Dietze, Constantin, “Die Universität Freiburg im Dritten Reich,” in Mitteilungen der List Gesellschaft, No. 3 (9 Aug. 1961):95–105; Kahle, Paul E., Bonn University in Pre-Nazi and Nazi Times, 1923–1939 (London, 1945); and Ritter, Gerhard, “Der deutsche Professor im Dritten Reich,” in Die Gegenwart (24 Dec. 1945):23–26.Google Scholar
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12. This concern is apparent in the publication of the Hochschulverband, Mitteilungen des Verbandes der Deutschen Hochschulen, especially from 1931 to 1933. See especially, Solger, F., “Die Statistik des Hochschulverbandes über den akademischen Nachwuchs,” ibid., Vol. 11, Nos. 1/2 (Feb. 1931):2–11; Borcherdt, H.H., “Das Nichtordinarianproblem an den deutschen Hochschulen,” ibid., Vol. 11, Nos. 3/4 (March 1931:32–36; Solger, , “Der akademische Nachwuchs,” ibid., Vol. 12, Nos. 11/12 (Dec., 1932):237–247; Borcherdt, , “Das Nichtordinarienproblem an den deutschen Universitäten,” ibid., 247–254; and other articles here.Google Scholar
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14. Archive of the Institut für Zeitgeschlichte (I f Z hereafter), MA-618, fr. 1510480.Google Scholar
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19. Bundesarchiv (BA hereafter), R43II/936, Akten der Reichskanzlei, telegram, Deutsche Studentenschaft to Hitler, , 18 May 1933, p. 127; and ibid., draft letter, Lammers, to Tillmann, , Berlin, 19 May 1933, pp. 129–130. Wolf, , rector at Kiel, defended his support of the students by citing similar support from several other rectors e.g., rectors from Freiburg, , Cologne, , Göttingen, , et al., U-archive, Hamburg, Ordner C 10.8, Vol. 2, letter to other rectors, 3 July 1933.Google Scholar
20. Satzung des Verbandes (1929).Google Scholar
21. The phrase “yes … but” comes from a description of the attitudes of the professors by an activist instructor of those days who evidently welcomed Hitler to power, Kloss, M., “Die Stellung des deutschen Hochschullehrers zum Nationalsozialismus,” Mitteilungen des Verbandes, Vol. 13, No. 7/8 (Oct., 1933): 108.Google Scholar
22. This distrust was well expressed by Frank, Walter, Kämpfende Wissenchaft (Hamburg, 1934), pp. 31–37; and Krieck, Ernst, “Restauration?—Nein! Revolution?—Ja!” in Volk im Werden, Vol. 1, No. 2 (1933):82.Google Scholar
23. BA, R21/1203, decree of the Prussian Ministry of Education, 11 Oct. 1933. A good analysis of the idea of the Führerprinzip in the universities is provided by Seier, Helmut, “Der Rektor als Führer,” in Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, Vol. 12, No. 2 (April, 1964): 105–146.Google Scholar
24. Kelly, , “National Socialism and German University Teachers,” pp. 155–177; and Losemann, Volker, “Zur Konzeption der NS Dozentenlager,” in Erziehung und Schulung im Dritten Reich, Teil 2, Heinemann, Manfred (Stuttgart, 1980), pp. 87ff.Google Scholar
25. BA, NS12/637, newspaper clippings from the Sächsische Schulzeitung, 3/34 (19 Jan., 1934).Google Scholar
26. State Archive Hamburg, Hochschulwesen II, Aa 38/1, Hess to all ministers of education and culture, 6 Nov., 1933, p. 9a. For a more extensive analysis of the politics of appointments and promotions than is possible here, see Kelly, Reece, “Die gescheiterte nationalsozialistische Personalpolitik und die misslungene Entwicklung der nationalsozialistischen Hochschulen,” in Heinemann, .Google Scholar
27. Ibid., Hess to Reich Ministry to Education and all other ministries of education and university authorities, 10 July, 1934, p. 24.Google Scholar
28. BA, NS8/177, Rosenberg, to Hess, , Berlin, 15 June 1934.Google Scholar
29. These charges were serious enough for Hess to bring up in order to deny them in a memorandum written in August, 1935, and sent to Hitler, in Jan., 1936, BA, NS10/53, Hess, to Wiedemann, , personal adjutant to the Führer and Reich Chancellor, Munich, 16 Jan., 1936, “Die Hochschulkommission.” Google Scholar
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32. Kelly, , “National Socialism and German University Teachers,” pp. 224–226, 334–336. Schultze tried to supplement his efforts for gathering information by forming ties with the Sicherheitsdienst of the SS, ibid., pp. 333–334. Though Schultze originally had intended the Dozentenbund would consist of a militant group of party members, he quickly had to abandon these intentions since party members were few and since the party closed its ranks to new members until 1937. Moreover, Schultze needed more dues-paying members in order to help finance the Dozentenbund, and even then he had to depend on finances from the party treasurer. Computing from the rates for dues and the reported income from dues in yearly budget of the Dozentenbund, it is likely that several thousand university teachers paid dues to the Dozentenbund. Nevertheless, the leaders of the Dozentenbund never showed any confidence that so many were in their ranks with any enthusiasm and out of ideological convictions. Ibid., pp. 241–242.Google Scholar
33. Such concerns were expressed from every side. Rectors and Ministry officials and the SD reports and even the Dozentenbund expressed concern that a combination of low financial reward and high political risk was preventing young people from staying in or setting out on an academic career. Ibid., pp. 303–305.Google Scholar
34. BA, R21/809, “Vorschlag zum Aufbau tines Reichs-Dozentenwerks,” and ibid., draft outline of the decree announcing the Reichsdozentenwerk , Sept. 1936.Google Scholar
35. Berlin Document Center (BDC hereafter), Oberstes Parteigericht, Wirz, Franz, p. 144, Schultze, to Bacher, , Munich, 29 Jan. 1936.Google Scholar
36. BA, R21/809, “Protokoll über die Sitzung des Kuratoriums des Reichsdozentenwerks e. V. vom 12. Dec. 1936,” by Rudolph, , n.d.; and ibid., Schultze, to Vahlen, , Munich, , 15 Dec. 1936, and Schultze's “Protokoll über die Sitzung des Kuratoriums des Reichsdozentenwerkes am 12.12.36 in Berlin.” Google Scholar
37. Ibid., Huber, to Wacker, , 15 Jan. 1937.Google Scholar
38. Ibid., Popitz, to Rust, , Berlin, 8 Oct. 1936, and ibid., “Vermerk über die Entwicklung des Reichsdozentenwerkes,” Rudolph, 13 Jan. 1937.Google Scholar
39. Ibid., Wacker, to Schultze, , Berlin, 26 Jan. 1937.Google Scholar
40. Ibid., “Niederschrift über eine Besprechung im Staatsministerium des Innern vom 18. Januar 1937.” signed by both Huber and Schultze, who also signed for Hess and Wagner of the Hochschulkommision .Google Scholar
41. BA, R21/789, “Niederschrift über die Rektorenkonferenz in Marburg am 15. Dezember 1937,” and U-archive Hamburg, C 10.8, Vol. 2, “Rektoren-Konferenz in Marburg am 15. Dezember 1937,” summary dated 22 Dec. 1937.Google Scholar
42. U-archive Hamburg, C 10.8, Vol. 2, Sprecht, rector at Erlangen, to all other rectors, Erlangen, , 15 Oct. 1936; and ibid., Sprecht to all rectors, Erlangen 23 Oct. 1936.Google Scholar
43. BA, R21/815, “Niederschrift über die Rektorenkonferenz in Marburg am 15. Dez. 1937,” p. 85.Google Scholar
44. Ibid., p. 96. Huber, too, is reported to have urged the rectors to show more “civil courage” in not allowing interference from the outside, U-archive Hamburg, C 10.8, Vol. 2, “Rektoren-Konferenz in Marburg am 15. Dez. 1937,” p. 11.Google Scholar
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47. Ibid., p. 104.Google Scholar
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49. Kelly, , “National Socialism and German University Teachers,” pp. 318–321.Google Scholar
50. BA, NS 20/98, Rundschreiben, No. 23/37, 28 May 1937; ibid., No. 24/37, 8 June 1937; and ibid., 54/37, 21 Oct. 1937.Google Scholar
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52. National Archives (NA hereafter), T81, R.51, fr. 53985, Freerksen, to Erxleben, , St. Blasien, 1 Sept. 1942.Google Scholar
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55. BA, R21/815, Krüger, to Mentzel, , Munich, 8 Oct. 1940; draft letter, Mentzel, to Krüger, , Berlin, 16 Jan. 1941; and NA, T81, R.52, fr. 54767, Borger to Härtle, Munich, 5 May 1942.Google Scholar
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58. IfZ, Reichsinstitut für die Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands, E 18, clipping from Westfalenischen Landeszeitung, No. 222 (16 Aug. 1936).Google Scholar
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61. Kelly, , “National Socialism and German University Teachers.” pp. 403–411.Google Scholar
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77. This study group seems to have been centered around Arthur Schürmann and Klaus Wilhelm Rath at Göttingen and Walter Thorns at Heidelberg. It was evidently Rath who wrote the evaluation of Peter for the Dozentenbund, cf. Kelly, , “National Socialism and German University Teachers,” pp. 432ff.Google Scholar
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