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Should I Go, or Should I Stay?: Adolescence, School Attainment, and Parent-Child Relations in Italian Immigrant Families of New Haven, 1900–1940

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2017

Extract

The first reaction [of the southern Italian immigrant parent] to the American school system was based on the immigrant's discovery of a group, which, though evidently adult in physical growth, was a child-group since it attended school and indulged in childish activities like playing ball.

One of the quiet cultural transformations of the twentieth century in the United States has been the widespread consensus over the meaningfulness of age gradations among children and youths. Joseph Kett's important book on the history of the idea of adolescence examined the first significant triumph of experts in promoting the concept of human development in American institutional life. Who could have predicted at the dawn of the twentieth century the swift success of the “adolescent idea” and the subdivision of stages in growing up that has occurred since? Certainly the rise of the expert and the medicalization of “deviance” have contributed significantly to the broad acceptance of age gradations and the developmental perspective. But schooling, the most pervasive of all modern institutions has had the greatest influence on the willingness of Americans to think through novel categories of cognitive, emotional, and physiological growth and well-being in young people. While the passage and enforcement of compulsory schooling and a concomitant need to make distinctions among children's school performance (which led to age-grading) established the framework for thinking about pupils developmentally, it was the voluntary extension of schooling that proved the true measure of parents' willing adoption of the developmental view. The critical period of growth in schooling beyond the minimum required by law occurred between 1910 and 1940, when high school attendance grew dramatically. One factor in its expansion was the invention of the high school “drop out,” which both constituted and reflected the spread of the idea that high school was within the reach of every girl and boy and that every child, moreover, should want to attend high school.

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Copyright © 1998 by the History of Education Society 

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References

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19 Covello, Leonard, Untitled TS, Leonard Covello Collection (hereafter, LCC), Balch Institute, MSS 40, box 66, folder 17, unpag.; also quoted in Covello, , Social Background, 249. On the resistance of the galantuomo to the idea of schooling contadini children, see ibid., 248–49.Google Scholar

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22 The report was unusual in its effort to differentiate between southern and northern Italian immigrant children in every measure of school achievement.Google Scholar

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26 This ended in 1932 when, due to a lack of funds, the Board of Education ceased publication of its Annual Report. Google Scholar

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30 Covello, , Social Background, 289.Google Scholar

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34 Ibid., 269.Google Scholar

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39 When southern Italian immigrant women spoke of attending school in Italy, reported Phyllis Williams (a social worker whose subjects were drawn from New Haven's large southern Italian immigrant community during the 1930s), they frequently meant that they had been “enrolled in classes in embroidery in some neighbor's home”; Williams, Phyllis H., South Italian Folkways in Europe and America (New Haven, 1938), 81. Similarly, a woman who had emigrated from Amalfi in 1918 at the age of twenty-one reported that she had been a “teacher” in Italy before deciding like so many other young women in the region to leave to improve her chances of marriage. As it happens, what she meant by “teacher,” however, was that she had taught dressmaking and sewing as a young woman in Amalfi; “Francesca Lucia,” Interview by author, 5 October 1989, New Haven, Conn., tape recording (New Haven: Greater New Haven Labor History Association; hereafter, GNHLHA); also see Williams, , South Italian Folkways, 27–8.Google Scholar

40 Covello, , Social Background, 270.Google Scholar

41 “Frank G.—118th Street,” Personal interview by Covello, 20 October 1939, TS, LCC, MS 40, box 30, folder 16, p. 11; “Even the small amount [of labor] accomplished by quite young children,” observed Williams, “was frequently so necessary an addition to the family's efforts that they were kept from school for these purposes. The authorities of Southern Italy in particular realized that the enforcement of the so-called compulsory school law might mean the difference between existence and starvation.” Williams, , South Italian Folkways, 21.Google Scholar

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53 Covello, , Untitled TS, LCC, MS 40, box 66, folder 17, unpag.Google Scholar

54 Covello, , Social Background, 292.Google Scholar

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61 Ibid., 264; and “Jessie Ferrucci Palmieri,” Interview by author, 16 May, 1990, New Haven, Conn., tape recording (GNHLHA).Google Scholar

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85 In 1920 enrollment was at 1,830, by 1930 it had reached 2,583; meanwhile the city's population had decreased for the first time since the city school system was founded during the 1850s.Google Scholar

86 Additionally, four-out-of-ten students in the Boardman Apprentice Shops, the city's secondary level trade school, were of Italian parentage, registration at the school never surpassed 120 pupils; Annual Reports, 1900–1932.Google Scholar