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“The Pacific Era Has Arrived”: Transnational Education among Japanese Americans, 1932–1941

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2017

Eiichiro Azuma*
Affiliation:
Department of history, University of Pennsylvania

Extract

Looking back on the two years at Keisen Girls' School, I am so grateful for the opportunity to have been able to study here…. Our teachers have taught us that it was mistaken if we simply aspired to mimic the ways of Japanese woman. Cognizant of our special position as Americans of Japanese ancestry, we must instead strive to promote the U.S.-Japan friendship. Furthermore, we must adapt the merits of the Japanese spirit [that we have acquired here] to our Americanism. Back in the United States, we will dedicate ourselves to the good of our own society as best possible citizens, cooperating with Americans of other races and learning from each other…. Such is the mission of the Nisei as a bridge between Japan and the United States—one that we have come to appreciate [through our schooling in Japan].

Just about two years before Pearl Harbor, a young Japanese American woman took this pledge to herself when she completed a special study program in Tokyo, Japan. Although the shadow of war loomed increasingly over the Pacific, thousands of American-born Japanese (Nisei) youth like her flocked to their parents' native land during the 1930s to pursue cultural and language learning, as well as formal secondary and higher education. In any given year following 1932, an estimated 1,500 young Nisei students from North America resided in Tokyo and other urban areas of Japan. Often referred to as Kibei after returning to their native land, these young women and men attempted to embrace their ethnic heritage and identity during their sojourn in Japan with the support of Japanese educators.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 2003 by the History of Education Society 

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References

1 Kimura, TsuyukoNinenkan o kaerimite“ [Looking back on the two years], Keisen 74 (July 1939), 4, the Keisen Women's College Archives, Tokyo, Japan [hereafter KWCA].Google Scholar

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3 For example, the summer language program at Yonsei University in Seoul attracts hundreds of Korean Americans every year, while the Korean government offers college preparatory classes and three-month cultural immersion courses under the so-called “homeland invitation education program.” Likewise, the Republic of China has sponsored a summer study tour program (known as the “Love Boat”) and intensive language program, and its Chung Hwa Correspondence School has catered to more serious students for long-term education since the mid-1960s. See the National Institute for International Education Development (NIIED: South Korean government) at niied.interedu.go.kr/job/job_03_e.asp; and the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission (Taiwan) at www.gio.gov.tw/info/yb97/html/ch0903t.htm; and the Overseas Chinese Youth Language and Study Tour to the Republic of China (Taiwan) at www.abcflash.com/studytour. To date, there is only one scholarly work on this topic. Based primarily on oral interviews with past participants, Ellen Wu's thesis offers an in-depth analysis of the Overseas Chinese Youth Language Training and Study Tour. See Ellen Dionne Wu, “Chinese American Transnationalism Aboard the ‘Love Boat': The Overseas Chinese Youth Language Training and Study Tour to the Republic of China, 1966–1997,” (M.A. thesis, University of California at Los Angeles, 1998).Google Scholar

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6 To date, there is only one published study that deals with this important aspect of Japanese American history, although it comes short of delving into the local and international contexts of Nisei education in Japan. See Toyotomi Morimoto, Japanese Americans and Cultural Continuity: Maintaining Language and Heritage (New York: Garland Publishing, 1997), 81–104. The following thesis has a section, which discusses the question of the Nisei's going to Japan from a contemporary perspective. Robert Howard Ross, “Social Distance as It Exists Between the First and Second Generation Japanese in The City of Los Angeles and Vicinity” (M.A. thesis, University of Southern California, 1939), 132–38.Google Scholar

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10 In fact, immigrant sources indicate that the term “Nisei”—and the concept itself— became popular around 1922 during the height of anti-Japanese agitation in California. A Los Angeles Issei journalist employed that term to differentiate the Japanese youth with American citizenship from those without when discussing the ramifications of racial discrimination to the ethnic collectivity. Thus, the meaning of citizenship relative to the question of anti-Japanese exclusion was intrinsic to the Japanese immigrant ideas of “generations.” For the origin of the term “Nisei” (and hence “Issei” as its opposite), see Fujioka Shiro, Ayumi no Ato [Traces of a journey] (Los Angeles: Ayumi no Ato Kanko Koenkai, 1957), 521.Google Scholar

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13 Akagi, Roy Hidemichi The Second Generation Problem: Some Suggestions Toward Its Solution (New York: Japanese Student Christian Association, 1926), 37. For more about the JSCA, consult David K. Yoo, Growing Up Nisei: Race, Generation, and Culture among Japanese Americans of California, 1924–49 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 59–63. See also Ichioka, “A Study in Dualism,” and Jere Takahashi, Nisei/Sansei: Shifting Japanese American Identities and Politics (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1997), 49–53.Google Scholar

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16 Yamashita, See Nikkei Shimin no Nihon Ryugaku Jijo, 1014; and Shishimoto, Nikkei Shimin o Kataru, 74, 94–113. In addition, in so far as immigrant leaders also propagated the Nisei's study abroad as a practical solution to the problem of occupational discrimination on the premise that it would enable the youth to pursue opportunities in Japan or in United States-Japan trade, transnational education partially reflected the hopelessness of their economic life in the United States. For more detail on the Nisei's employment problems, see John Modell, The Economics and Politics of Racial Accommodation: The Japanese of Los Angeles, 1900–1942 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977), 127–53; and Takahashi, Nisei/Sansei, 37–42. Chinese Americans also crossed the Pacific for better occupational opportunities. Unlike their Nisei counterpart, this group did not seem to have included a significant number of students. For more detail, consult Gloria H. Chun, “Go West … to China: Chinese American Identity in the 1930s,” in Claiming America: Constructing Chinese American Identities during the Exclusion Era, ed. K. Scott Wong and Sucheng Chan (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), 170–80.Google Scholar

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18 Ibid., 4–8. Computation by this author.Google Scholar

19 This process of politicization involved both the people of Japan and Issei. For more detail, see Ichioka, “A Study in Dualism,” 58–59; and “Kengakudan,” 42.Google Scholar

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23 Gaikokujin Jido no Shogakko Nyugaku Toriatsukaikata“ [How to deal with the admission of foreign-born pupils into our elementary schools], #130, July 18, 1935; and “Nikkei Beijin Chugakuko, Koto Jogakko to Nyugaku Toriatsukaikata” [How to deal with the admission of Japanese American students into middle schools, higher women's schools, and others], #463, Feb. 19, 1935 and “Migi Futsu Gakumukyoku Kaitono” [Instructions from the educational operations division], no. 6, Feb. 26, 1935, in “Gakusei Seito Soki” [General volume on students affairs], Japanese Ministry of Education, National Archives of Japan, Tokyo.Google Scholar

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25 Led, by McClatchy, V.S. a longtime leader of the anti-Japanese movement, the California Joint Immigration Committee criticized the return of Japan-educated Nisei to the United States as another wave of Japanese immigration in disguise. The youths allegedly posed a greater menace to the United States than ordinary immigrants, for they were nominally American citizens with the unflinching “loyalty to Japan.” See Nichibei Shimbun, June 10, 1936, (English section). Similar agitation recurred frequently during the late 1930s.Google Scholar

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30 “Shitsumon to Kaito” Rafu Shimpo [Los Angeles Japanese Daily News], Jan. 1, 1935. This special New Years’ edition contains a survey of opinions taken from 75 leading Issei in the Los Angeles area. The quotations are from the answers of Kono Katsuya and Ito Seiju, respectively.Google Scholar

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37 Terakawa, Hokubei Kaikyo Enkakushi, 2628, 567–68.Google Scholar

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39 Konen, TsunemitsuAmerika o megurite“ [My trip in America], no. 1–5, Rafu Shimpo, Feb. 22–25, 1937. Eriko Yamamoto discusses the Issei's effort to instill “racial pride” in the Nisei. See her “Cheers for Japanese Athletes: The 1932 Los Angeles Olympics and the Japanese American Community,” Pacific Historical Review 69 (August 2000), 399–430.Google Scholar

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51 Kawai, My Lantern, 200.Google Scholar

52 Ibid., 206.Google Scholar

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57 Nagahashi, SadakoA Nisei Philosophy,“ Keisen News 14 (July 1938), 3, KWCA. See also Hoshi (no first name), “Kawai sensei kara nani o manandaka” [What have I learned from Ms. Kawai?], Keisen 69 (Feb. 1939), 6; and Kimura, “Ninenkan o kaerimite,” 4.Google Scholar

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87 In understanding this dynamic, Rogers Brubaker's insight into “the triadic relational interplay between national minorities, nationalizing states, and external national homelands” is useful. He explains that a “national minority” has its own “nationalism” based on localized collective interests, which often clash with the nationalizing nationalism of the country in which the group resides, as well as the “transborder nationalism” of its external homeland. For more detail, consult Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 4–6.Google Scholar

88 Keihokyoku, NaimushoShowa 16-nen chu ni okeru Gaiji Keisatsu Gaikyo“ [General report of anti-foreign police bureau], 1941, reprinted in Gaiji Keisatsu Gaikyo vol. 7 (Tokyo: Ryukei Shosha, 1980), 164.Google Scholar

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92 See, for instance, Weglyn, Michi Years of Infamy: The Untold Story of America's Concentration Camps (New York: William Morrow & Co., 1976), 41, 127, 149–51.Google Scholar

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94 For the critique of the exclusion of these Japanese Americans from history, see Ichioka, “Beyond National Boundaries,” vii-xi. In 1957, a prominent Nisei journalist Bill Hosokawa printed a poignant article with regards to the Nisei's abandonment of transnationalism in the postwar years. In it, the writer traced the origins of the prewar bridge concept to “idealists and do-gooders on both sides of the ocean,” as well as Issei, whose “dreams could not stand up under the realism of power politics and hot steel” after Pearl Harbor. “But if the Nisei flopped as bridges,” Hosokawa continued, “their faith in their country was justified” because “[t]oday their acceptance as Americans is complete and their position in their native land is secure.” As if he forgot his own struggle to live a transnational life in the late 1930s as the editor of Japan-sponsored newspaper in Singapore, Hosokawa dismissed the bridge concept as having no relevance to their collective identity—one forged in the context of the wartime internment and military service. See Bill Hosokawa, “Maybe Nisei Have Flopped as ‘Bridges’ Across the Pacific,'” Pacific Citizen (Holiday Issue), Dec. 20, 1957, 4.Google Scholar

95 Good examples include Ron Takaki's narratives of multicultural America and its national identity based on diversity, which counter the recent reaffirmation of the preeminence of Western civilization by pundits like Allan Bloom and Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. See Ronald Takaki, “Multiculturalism: Battleground or Meeting Ground?,” in Color-Lines to Borderlands: The Matrix of American Ethnic Studies, ed. Johnnella E. Butler (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001), 3–17; A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America (New York: Little, Brown & Company, 1993), esp., 1–17; and Strangers From a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans (Boston: Back Bay Books, 1998), 1–13, 509.Google Scholar