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Gladstone, the Whigs and the Leadership of the Liberal Party, 1879–1880*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

T. A. Jenkins
Affiliation:
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge

Extract

The return of Gladstone as prime minister, after the Liberals had secured a decisive majority at the polls in April 1880, has for long been established in the mythology of the Liberal party. In retrospect, the series of events which had drawn Gladstone back into active politics after his retirement in 1875 – his opposition to Beaconsfield's Eastern policy, the oratorical campaigns in Midlothian, and the rout of ‘Jingoism’ at the general election – came to be seen as a natural, linear development, whereby his special sense of affinity with the ‘;people’ was re-established and the great election victory assured. His subsequent resumption of the premiership accordingly became surrounded by an air of inevitability: the hesitant leadership of the whigs giving way to that of the man who had inspired the struggle against Beaconsfield's ‘system of government’ and who alone could command the allegiance of all sections of the great Liberal majority.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1984

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91 Ibid. 31 Dec. 1879.

92 This was the view, incidentally, of Léon Gambetta, who told Brett ‘he hoped our people would not come in, as it would be perhaps fatal to the party. He cannot understand how we can effect any compromise with “ces gens là” (his way of describing the Irish) and without them we could not keep even a small majority.’ Ibid, 14 Nov. 1879.

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96 It was for this reason that the short-term expedient of maintaining the Conservatives in power was so attactive to those who wished to run the Liberal party along ‘Palmerstonian’ lines. There is an interesting parallel here with the conduct of the Derbyite Conservatives towards the Palmerston Ministry in the early 1860s. The idea was a recurrent one during the lifetime of the second Gladstone Ministry, and it found its consummation in Liberal Unionism between 1886 and 1895.

97 Ponsonby's memorandum, 17 Mar. 1880, Ponsonby, Arthur, Henry Ponsonby, his life from his letters (London, 1942), p. 184Google Scholar. Cf. the queen's reaction to the result of the general election: ‘She discussed the Elections, which had amazed her, as she had assurances from the Liberals that we [the Conservatives] must succeed.’ Johnson, , Lord Cranbrook diary entry for 20 04. 1880, p. 446Google Scholar.

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120 Wolverton, to Gladstone, , 12 04 1880, Gladstone MSS, 44349, for. 130Google Scholar, Morley, Gladstone, 11, 620; Granville, to Derby, , 15 04 1880, Derby MSSGoogle Scholar. Granville's relations with the queen had cooled during the 1870s.

121 Harrington, to Brett, , 13 04 1880, Esher MSS, 10/11Google Scholar. Cf. Harrington, to the duke of Devonshire, 13 04 1880, Devonshire MSS, 340.932Google Scholar; Holland, B., The life of the duke of Devonshire (London, 1911), I, 271Google Scholar. (This biography relates to the Lord Hartington of this period, later eighth duke of Devonshire.) For the evident disappointment of the Cavendish family when Hartington did not become prime minister see Bailey, , Lady Frederick Cavendish, II, 248—50, for diary entry 19– 25 04. 1880Google Scholar.

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123 Ibid.

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128 Ibid.

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130 Ibid.

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137 The Manchester Guardian, 10 and 19 Apr., perhaps motivated by a certain amount of Lancastrian chauvinism, claimed that Hartington had played a more important part even than Gladstone. Meanwhile others like the Daily News, 10 04 1880, p. 4Google Scholar, congratulated Hartington on his efforts.

138 The correspondence between Chamberlain and Dilke may be found in Garvin, J. L., The Life of Joseph Chamberlain, vol. 1 (London, 1932), pp. 291–3, 296–7Google Scholar. Dilke wrote to Harcourt on the 7th that ‘I shall not bind myself to anything or anybody’. Harcourt MSS, Box 720. As Brett noted, ‘ Dilke is too sound a politician to make any such compromising arrangement.’ Journal, n.d. [Apr. 1880], Esher MSS. John Morley recognized that Dilke's appetite for office ruled out any idea of forming a separate radical group: Morley, to Chamberlain, , 12 04 1880, Chamberlain MSS, JC5 /54/311Google Scholar.

139 Labouchere, to Rosebery, , n.d. [04 1880], Rosebery MSS, 10041Google Scholar. It would be a serious mistake to assume that the majority of Liberal M.P.s were necessarily Gladstonians. This had certainly not been the case in the 1874 parliament. Cf. Lucy, Henry, A diary of two parliaments, 1874–1885 (London, 1886), entry for 13 08. 1877, PP. 314–16Google Scholar.

140 Cf. The Times, 19 04 1880, p. 9Google Scholar; Manchester Guardian, 20 04 1880, p. 5Google Scholar. From the 16th the Daily Telegraph had been advocating a Hartington premiership.

141 Leeds Mercury, 23 04 1880, p. 4Google Scholar.

142 Manchester Guardian, 22 04 1880, p. 4Google Scholar.

143 Gladstone may have been fortunate in that the outcome of the general election was so unexpected that it seemed natural to assume that his moral critique of ‘Beaconsfieldism’ had been the decisive element. It would be quite impossible, now, to separate the influence of Gladstone from that of, say, the agricultural depression, which must have played a vital part in swinging the counties to the Liberals. The most that can be said is that Gladstone's strength lay in his ability to provide a moral framework for more materialistic feelings of discontent.