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The False Joseph II*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Derek Beales
Derek Beales
Affiliation:
Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge
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Extract

‘Since I have ascended the throne, and wear the first diadem in the world, I have made philosophy the legislator of my empire.’ Of all the sayings attributed to the Emperor Joseph II, this is easily the most hackneyed. It figures in many surveys of eighteenth-century history, whether old like W. O. Hassall's and A. H. Johnson's or new like those by Stuart Andrews, Maurice Ashley, R. W. Harris and E. N. Williams; in what is regarded as the best biography of Joseph in German, by Viktor Bibl; in the most extended and best known Life in English, Saul K. Padover's The Revolutionary Emperor; in Herbert H. Rowen's collection of documents, From Absolutism to Revolution; in Albert Sorel's L'Europe et la Révolution française; in Victor-L. Tapié's The Rise and Fall of the Habsburg Monarchy; and in the recent monograph by Walter W. Davis, Joseph II: An Imperial Reformer for the Austrian Netherlands. The remark is the first sentence of a letter which the emperor is supposed to have written to Cardinal Herzan, his minister in Rome, in October 1781, and which goes on:

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Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 18 , Issue 3 , September 1975 , pp. 467 - 495
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1975

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References

1 Hassall, W. O., The Balance of Power (2nd ed., London, 1898), p. 358Google Scholar; Johnson, A. H., The Age of the Enlightened Despot (London, 1909), p. 227Google Scholar; Andrews, Stuart, Eighteenth-Century Europe (London, 1965), p. 141Google Scholar; Ashley, Maurice, A History of Europe, 1648–1815 (Englewood Cliffs, 1973), p. 113Google Scholar; Harris, R. W., Absolutism and Enlightenment (2nd ed., London, 1967), pp. 221–2Google Scholar; Williams, E. N., The Ancien Regime in Europe (London, 1970), p. 424Google Scholar; Bibl, Viktor, Kaiser Josef 11. (Vienna and Leipzig, 1943), pp. 140–1Google Scholar; Padover, Saul K., The Revolutionary Emperor (2nd ed., London, 1967), p. 158Google Scholar; Rowen, Herbert H., From Absolutism to Revolution (New York, 1963), p. 174Google Scholar; Sorel, Albert, L'Europe et la Rèvolution française (3rd ed., Paris, 1912), 1, 120Google Scholar[trans, and edited by Cobban, Alfred and Hunt, J. W. as Europe and the French Revolution (London, 1969), where the quotation falls on p. 149]Google Scholar; Tapie, Victor-L., The Rise and Fall of the Habsburg Monarchy (London, 1971), p. 241Google Scholar; Davis, Walter W., Joseph II: An Imperial Reformer for the Austrian Netherlands (The Hague, 1974), p. 203.Google Scholar

2 I have throughout reproduced the original English version of the Neu gesammelte Briefe (see p. 474) from Letters of Joseph II. (London, 1821–1822)Google Scholar [The Pamphleteer, xi (1822), 79–96, 273–96]Google Scholar, hereafter cited as Letters, though with the spelling modernized and corrected. Where there is divergence of any importance from the original German, the fact is mentioned in footnotes. The letter to Herzan, is from Letters, pp. 274–5. I have thought it right to reproduce the first two letters cited in extcnso. They are especially significant as confessions of faith; they were of particular importance to Brunner (see p. 471 below); they have been very frequently quoted, but usually in snippets; and it seems desirable to put before the reader at least two complete texts.Google Scholar

3 Benedikt, Ernst, Kaiser Joseph II. (Vienna, 1936), p. 128. Large tracts of the letter are printed by Davis, Padover and Rowen.Google Scholar

4 This is a mistake for ‘Chairs’ (Lehrstiihle), which Padover (Revolutionary Emperor, p. 159) has perpetuated. The French edition ignores the problematic phrase, the American translates ‘lecture-rooms’ (see p. 475 and North American Review, xxxi (1830), 10).Google Scholar

5 All four German editions (see p. 474) read ‘Andromache’. The French edition omits it, the American emends to ‘Arachne’ (North American Review, eodem loco).

6 Letters, pp. 95–6.

7 Benedikt, , Kaiser Joseph II., p. 128Google Scholar; Bibl, , Kaiser Josef II., p. 187Google Scholar; Davis, , Joseph II, p. 203Google Scholar; Padover, , Revolutionary Emperor, p. 159Google Scholar; Sorel, , L'Europe et la Revolution francaise, p. 120Google Scholar[ed. Cobban, and Hunt, ,Europe and the French Revolution, p. 150]Google Scholar; Gershoy, Leo, From Despotism to Revolution (New York and London, 1944), p. 267.Google Scholar

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9 Andrews, , Eighteenth-Century Europe, p. 150Google Scholar; Bibl, , Kaiser Josef II., p. 179Google Scholar; Harris, , Absolutism and Enlightenment, pp. 222–3Google Scholar; Padover, , Revolutionary Emperor, p. 147Google Scholar; Rowen, , From Absolutism to Revolution, pp. 176–7Google Scholar; Blanning, T. C. W., Joseph II and Enlightened Despotism (London, 1970), p. 64Google Scholar; Anderson, Perry, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London, 1974), p. 234n.Google Scholar

10 Andrews, S. M., Enlightened Absolutism (London, 1967), p. 133Google Scholar; Bibl, , Kaiser Josef II., pp. 83–4 (see n. 55 below)Google Scholar; Padover, , Revolutionary Emperor, p. 42Google Scholar; Gershoy, , From Despotism to Revolution, p. 266Google Scholar; Letters, pp. 289–90.Google Scholar

11 Rowen, , From Absolutism to Revolution, pp. 175–6Google Scholar; Williams, , Ancien Regime, p. 425Google Scholar; Letters, pp. 288–9.Google Scholar

12 No date of publication or name of editor is given

13 For this whole paragraph see Brunner, S., Die theologische Dienerschaft am Hofe Joseph It. (Vienna, 1868), pp. 7–8, 515–31 (the quotations come respectively from pp. 518, 8 and 517).Google ScholarSchleicher, J., Sebastian Brunner. Ein Lebensbild (Wiirzburg and Vienna, 1888)Google Scholar, though four of its chapters describe its quarrelsome hero's Confiicte with various temporal and spiritual authorities, does not mention his attacks on other historians of Joseph's reign. Alfred von Arneth, Ritter, Aus meinem Leben (2 vols., Vienna, 1891–1892), does not mention Brunner or the Neu gesammelte Briefe. But he thinks it würdiger, even perhaps edler, not to indulge in polemic (11, 248).Google Scholar

14 Arneth, , Aus meinem Leben, II, 247–56Google Scholar; von Sybel, H., ‘Briefwechsel der Konigin Maria Antoinette', Historische Zeitschrijt, XIII (1865), 164–78 and xiv (1865), 315–50Google Scholar; Ed. Arneth, , Maria Theresia und Marie Antoinette. Ihr Briefwechsel (Paris and Vienna, 1865)Google Scholar and Marie Antoinette, Joseph II. und Leopold II. Ihr Briefwechsel (Leipzig and Vienna, 1866).Google Scholar

15 Cf., as well as the works cited in nn. 16, 17 and 19, Fournier, A., Historische Studien und Slfizzen (Prague and Leipzig, 1885), vol. 1, p. 132 n.Google Scholar

16 QueUcnkunde der deutschen Geschichte, ed. Haering, H. (9th ed., 1931), p. 730.Google Scholar

17 von Mitrofanov, P., Joseph II. Seine polittsche und kulturelle Tätigkeit (Vienna and Leipzig, 1910), 1, 5.Google Scholar

18 The article cited in n. 19 relies heavily on Brunner's work.

19 ‘Eine gefälschte Briefsammlung des Kaisers Joseph II.’, Historisch-politische Blätter für das katholische Deutschland (ed. Binder, F. and Jochner, G.), cxxxiii (1904), 786–95.Google Scholar

20 The University Library at Vienna possesses the editions of 1790, 1821 and 1822, but the British Library, the Bodleian Library and the Cambridge University Library have none of them. Only Schuselka's edition of 1846 is reasonably easy to find.

21 Marczali, H., Magyarország története II. Jözsef korában (Budapest, 1885–1888), II, 4 and n. [the letter of 1780 to Choiseul]Google Scholar; Goodwin, M. C., The Papal Conflict with Josephinism (New York, 1938), pp. 49–50 [the letter of 1784 to the Pope]Google Scholar; Gnau, H., Die Zensur unter Joseph II. (Leipzig, 1911), p. 293 [the letter to Herzan]Google Scholar; Maass, F., Der Josephinismus: Quellen zu seiner Geschichte in Österreich, 1760–1790 (Vienna, 1951), 1, 97n. [the letter of 1770 to Choiseul]. See below, pp. 477–8. 493.Google Scholar

22 E.g. Bernard, Paul P., Joseph II (New York, 1968), p. 149Google Scholar – but, on Padover's authority, he credits (p. 47) the letter of 1770 to Choiseul (see pp. 477–8 below); Macartney, C. A., The Habsburg Empire, 1790–1918 (London, 1968), p. 843.Google Scholar

23 C.S.B.B. in English Historical Review, LI (1936), 177–8.Google Scholar

24 Fuchs, Peter in Historische Zeitschrijt, ccix (1969), 158.Google Scholar

25 Crankshaw, Edward, Maria Theresa (London, 1969), p. 343.Google Scholar Cf. Bernard, , Joseph II, pp. 145–6.Google Scholar

26 Fuchs, , Historische Zeitschrijt, ccix (1969), 157.Google Scholar

27 See list in Appendix.

28 Ed. Arneth, , Maria Theresia und Joseph II. Ihre Correspondenz … (Vienna, 1867–1868), II, 157Google Scholar (Maria Theresa to Joseph, ?July 1777).

29 Braubach, Max, Historisches Jahrbuch, xc (1970), 412n.Google Scholar

30 The evidence produced below, pp. 485–6, seems to clinch the case, though Heinsius, W., Allgemeines Bücher-Lexikon, vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1812), col. 421, has the publication date 1791.Google Scholar

31 The true place of publication is stated by Holzmann, M. & Bohatta, H., Deutsches Anonymc-Lexikon (7 vols., 1902–1928), vi, IIIGoogle Scholar, to be Copenhagen. But Heinsius, Allgemeines Bücher-Lexikon, eodem loco, Weller, E., Die jalschen und fingirten Druckorte (Leipzig, 1864)Google Scholar and von Wurzbach, C., Biographisches Lexicon des Kaiserthums Oesterreich (vols., Vienna, 1856–1890), v, 376 agree with Gräffer (see below, p. 488) that Klagenfurt is the answer.Google Scholar

32 See pp. 486–91.

33 Briefe von Joseph dem Zweyten, ah charakteristische Beiträge zur Lebens- und Staatsgeschichte dieses unvergesslichen Selbstherrschers. (Bis jetzt ungedrnckt.) (Leipzig, 1821) [hereafter cited as Briefe (1821)].Google Scholar

34 Briefe, (1822), pp. ix–xviii.Google Scholar

35 Ed. Schuselka, F., Brieje Josephs des Zweiten. Drilte Auflage. Zeitgemdss eingeleitet und erklart (Leipzig, 1846).Google Scholar

36 See n.2 above for the English tran slation. The French is: Lettres inédites de Joseph Il… traduis de l'allcmand par M.V. (Paris, 1822).Google Scholar

37 North American Review, xxxi (1830), 1–26.Google Scholar There is also a Dutch edition, Brieven van Joseph II; naar het Hoogduitsch (The Hague, 1821)Google Scholar, which I have not seen. See Alphabetische Naamlijst van Boeken, … 1790 … 1832 (The Hague and Amsterdam, 1835), p. 86.Google Scholar

38 See Deutsch, O. E., Mozart: A Documentary Biography (2nd ed., London, 1966), p. 193.Google Scholar

39 Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna [hereafter HHSA]: Protocollum separatum alter Hand Billets … 1784, no. 149. See n. 45 below.

40 Here is just one example, from the same month as the supposed letter to the Archbishop: ‘Vous avez connu le détraquement de la machine, et vous avez connu les chefs et les aides avec lesquels je me trouve, vous jugerez le reste.’ (Joseph, to Leopold of Tuscany, 12 Feb. 1781: ed. Arneth, , Joseph II. und Leopold von Toscana. Ihr Briefwechsel von 1781 bis 1790 (Vienna, 1872), 1, 8–9Google Scholar). No doubt, if Joseph had written to the archbishop, he would have exempted the latter's father, ‘the vice-chancellor, Colloredo,’ from his criticisms, but he would hardly have gone out of his way to praise all the others mentioned.

41 See Maass, , Der Josephinismus, esp. vol. III, 311–20.Google Scholar

42 The comparison with genuine letters to Catherine II can be made from ed. Arneth, , Joseph II. und Katharina von Russland. Ihr Briejwechsel (Vienna, 1869).Google ScholarHistorisch-politische Blatter, vol. cxxxiii (1904), p. 794.Google Scholar

43 Briefe (1821), p. iii.Google Scholar

44 Maass, , Der Josephinismus, vol. IIGoogle Scholar contains many of the letters to the pope. Arneth's various editions of correspondence, A. Beer's edition of some correspondence with Kaunitz (Joseph II., Leopold II. und Kaunitz: Ihr Briejwechsel (Vienna, 1873)) and of course the letter-books in the HHSA illustrate the varying use of languages.Google Scholar

45 There is a volume a year of what may be described as ordinary Handbillets, running to something like 1,000 a year; then there are, for the early years of the reign, 3 volumes of Handbillets relating to the work of the Staatsrat, each covering two years, gradually dwindling in scale until the separate compilation ceased at the end of the year 1786.

46 I have not fathomed the precise criteria, if indeed there are such, which governed the inclusion of documents in these compilations. Hungarian matter seems to appear relatively rarely.

47 The letters to Maria Theresa conflict with those in ed. Arneth, , Maria Theresia und Joseph II., vols. II–IIIGoogle Scholar; those to Kaunitz with material printed in ed. Beer, , Joseph, Leopold und Kaunitz, pp. 259–68Google Scholar and in ed. Brunner, S., Correspondances intimes de I'Empereur Joseph II avec …Cobenzl et … Kaunitz (Mainz, 1871), pp. 71–2Google Scholar; the letter to Marie Antoinette with authentic correspondence in ed. Arneth, , Marie Antoinette, Joseph und Leopold; the letter to Frederick the Great with documents in Politische Correspondenz Friedrich's des Grossen, vols. XL–XLII (Leipzig, 1928–1931)Google Scholar; the letter to Marie Christine with Schlitter, H., Die Regierung Josefs II. in den österreichischen Niederlanden (Vienna, 1900), esp. pp. 11, 147Google Scholar; the letter to Catherine II with the correspondence in ed. Arneth, , Joseph II. und Katharina von RusslandGoogle Scholar; the letter to Pius VI with material in Maass, , Der Josephinismus, vol. IIGoogle Scholar; the letter to Trauttmansdorff with correspondence in ed. Schlitter, H., Geheime Correspondenz Josefs II. mit … Trauttmansdorf. 1787–1789 (Vienna, 1902)Google Scholar; the letter to Kressel with documents in Maass, , Der Josephinismus, vol. IIIGoogle Scholar; the letter to Lacy with what is said in Kotasek, E., Feldmarschall Graf Lacy (Vienna, 1956), p. 173.Google Scholar

48 Cf. ed. Beer, , Joseph, Leopold und.Kaunitz, pp. 231–4.Google Scholar

49 Letters, pp. 83–4.

50 von Pastor, L. Freiherr, History of the Popes (London, 1951), xxxviii, 257 and n. 5.Google Scholar

51 Maass, , Der Josephinismus, I, 97n.Google Scholar

52 Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emanuele II, Rome, MS. Ges. 1389 [formerly 3518].Google Scholar

53 Pastor, , History of the Popes, xxxviii, 14–23, 256–62Google Scholar; cf. Masson, Frédéric, Le Cardinal de Bernis depuis son Ministère, 1758–1794 (Paris, 1884), p. 218.Google Scholar

54 The letters discussed by Brunner, and the letter to Choiseul, together with the 15 listed above, pp. 476–7.

55 Early candidates for attack would be the letter to the elector of Mainz, that to Aranda (see Bibl, , Kaiser Josef II., pp. 83–4Google Scholar, where grounds are given for thinking it ‘eine gute Fälschung’I) and those to Maria Beatrix and Max Franz (this last is hard, but not impossible, to reconcile with the letter from Joseph to Leopold on 22 Apr. 1784 (ed. Arneth, , Joseph II. und Leopold von Toscana, 1, 208)).Google Scholar

56 Wandruszka, Adam, Leopold II. (Vienna and Munich, 1964–1965) has shown how much his subject hated Joseph, and what a divided family Maria Theresa's was (see esp. vol. i, pp. 332–55). Joseph, however, appears not to have suspected the depth of his brother's feeling against him, and to have confided in him to some degree.Google Scholar

57 Letters, pp. 277, 82–3.

58 Letters, pp. 283–4.

59 Letters, pp. 290–1, 294–6.

60 Letters, pp. 294–5.

61 Joseph, to Leopold, , 30 Aug. 1787Google Scholar (ed. Arneth, , Joseph II. und Leopold von Toscana, II, 115)Google Scholar; Joseph, to Kaunitz, , 26 Aug. 1788Google Scholar (ed. Beer, , Joseph, Leopold und Kaunitz, p. 309).Google Scholar

62 Letters, pp. 289–90.

63 The most convenient discussion is O'Brien, Charles H., ‘Ideas of Religious Toleration at the time of Joseph II’, Trans. Amer. Phil. Soc., new series, vol. 59, pt. 7 (1969).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

64 Cf. Bernard, Paul P., Jesuits and Jacobins (Urbana, 1971), esp. p. 121Google Scholar; Wangermann, Ernst, From Joseph II to the Jacobin Trials (2nd ed., Oxford, 1969), esp. p. 36.Google Scholar Discussions of The Magic Flute abound, and their conclusions are legion; but they are informative on Masonry, and are mostly in no doubt that Sarastro is part of the Masonic element in the opera (e.g. Chailley, J., The Magic Flute, Masonic Opera (London, 1972), passim).Google Scholar

65 Letters, pp. 275–6.

66 E.g. Joseph, to Leopold, , 13 June 1782; 4 Feb. 1783; 20 Oct. 1783Google Scholar (ed. Arneth, , Joseph II. und Leopold von Toscana, 1, 125, 153, 177).Google Scholar

67 Cf. Grimsley, Ronald, Jean D'Alembert (Oxford, 1963), p. 87; and letters to D'Alembert declining to supply his portrait to the Academy (25 Mar. 1783, HHSA, letter-book for 1783, no. 272: ‘Si quelques arrangemens et ordonnances que j'ai faites m'ont rappellé, Mr. à votre souvenir, croyés moi, que pour être bien sûr de ne pas avoir la peine de décrocher un jour mon portrait, il vaudra mieux attendre leur reussite, et leurs eflets, qui sont la seule pierre de touche des plus belles paroles.’), and to Mercy commenting on this reply (31 Mar. 1783, HHSA, letter-book for 1783, no. 288: ‘II me paroit que la composition de cette Academie et son Sécrétaire perpetud, l'ame damnée du Roi de Prusse meritoient cette reponse.’).Google Scholar

68 The interest in libretti and music emerges in the correspondence in the letter-books. Painting and architecture are mentioned perhaps less often, but still quite frequently. On the theatre, see von Thurn, R. Payer, Joseph II. als Theaterdirektor (Vienna, 1920)Google Scholar. On his pride in theological learning see the famous letter to the Elector of Trier, 25 Sept. 1781: ‘mes Quesnels, mon Busembaum et même l'orthodoxe Febronius sont restés dans ma Bibliotheque.’ (HHSA, letter-book for 1781). (This letter was published first in 1782 (see below, n. 82), then in 1834 (Mohnike, D. G., ‘Briefwechsel zwischen Kaiser Joseph dem Zweiten und Clemens Wenzel, Churfiirsten von Trier’, Zeitschrijt für die Historische Theohgie (1834), iv, 241–90), and appears in Schuselka's 1846 edition of the Constantinople letters (see p. 474 and n. 35)).Google Scholar

69 Ed. Arneth, , Maria Theresia und Joseph II, III, 338.Google Scholar

70 Letters, pp. 286–7.

71 Neu gesammelte Briefe, p. 121n. Dr R. L. Wokler helped me with this reference.

72 It is true that, where preferments for men are concerned, the emperor commonly says that the matter must be dealt with through the usual channels.

73 Letters, p. 83; von Hock, Carl Freiherr, Der österreichische Staatsrath (Vienna, 1879), p. 312.Google Scholar

74 Marczali, , Magyarorszag története II. József, Vol. 1, pp. 433–40. The five letters appear in the following order in the original: 31, 36, 33, 35, 32 (see Appendix).Google Scholar

75 Mitrofanov, , Joseph 11, p. 421Google Scholar, has the same passage garbled, presumably through translation into and out of Russian, and dated 10 Feb. 1786. Hock, , Der b'sterreichische Staatsrath, p. 183.Google Scholar This translation comes from the North American Review, vol. xxxi (1830), pp. 12–13, in the absence of a version in the Pamphleteer collection.Google Scholar

76 Letters, pp. 279–80.

77 I have adopted the emendation of Herder (Briefe zur Beförderung der Humanität, ‘Gespräch nach dem Tode des Kaiser Josephs II’ in ed. Suphan, B., Herders Sämmtliche Werke (Berlin, 1881), XVII, 63)Google Scholar. Both Marczali's transcription (Magyarorszag története II. József, II, 419n.Google Scholar) and Geisler, A. F., Sfez[z]en aus den Karakter und Handlungen Josephs des Zweiten (Halle, 1783–1791), vol. III, 8te Sammlung, p. 214, read Limitation.Google Scholar

78 Gdsler's and Herder's versions punctuate differently from Marczali's, and I have tried to translate the original.

79 Letters, p. 282.

80 Letters, pp. 288–9.

81 E.g. Hubert, E., Le voyage de I'Empereur Joseph II dans les Pays Bas, … 1781 (Brussels, 1899), pp. 404–5.Google Scholar

82 Eds. Beer, A. and von Fiedler, J., Joseph II. und Graf Ludwig Cobenzl: Ihr Briefwechsel (Fonles rerum austriacarum, vols. 53–4) (Vienna, 1901), 1, 391–2.Google Scholar

83 See many letters in ed. Arneth, , Joseph II. und Leopold von Toscana, vol. i about their visit to Vienna and Florence in 1782.Google Scholar

84 Maass, , Der Josephinismus, II, 87–8, 322–3 and 323n.Google Scholar

85 An exchange with Kaunitz was published at the beginning of the reign in the Wiener Zeitung (see Geisler, , Skizzen, vol. 1, 2te Sammlung, p. 24)Google Scholar; one of the editions of the Trier correspondence is Correspondance entre I'Empereur et I'Electeur de Treves, évéque d'Ausbourg (Avignon, 1782)Google Scholar; Anekdoten und Charakterzüge von Kaiser Joseph II. (Vienna and Leipzig, 1790), p. 117.Google Scholar

86 Cf. Joseph, to Leopold, , 30 Oct. 1783 (HHSA, Familienakten, Sammelbände, Karton 8, not in Arneth).Google Scholar

87 See n. 77.

88 Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek, cvii (1791), 501–14Google Scholar, review article on seven books or pamphlets, by Lk. (none other than Meusel (see Parthey, G., Die Mitarbeiter an Friedrich Nicolai's Allgemeiner Deutscher Bibliothek (Berlin, 1842, pp. 62–3))). The quotation from p. 510.Google Scholar

89 Geisler, , Skizzen, vol. iv, iote Sammlung, pp. 91–103; vol. iii, 8te Sammlung, p. 214. See n.77 above.Google Scholar

90 Leopold, to Joseph, , 10 Feb. 1782Google Scholar (HHSA, Familienakten, Sammelbande, Karton 8), not published by Arneth; Maass, , Der Josephinismus, vol. 11, pp. 322–3.Google Scholar

91 The last named has no place of publication but is dated 1790. Its author is said to be Sam. Csernansky (Petrik, G., Bibliographia Hungariae, ly 12–1860, vol. 11 (Budapest, 1890), tome 1, p. 292). I am excluding from consideration works which are avowedly inventive like Josephi II. condam inper. litterae de coelis missae (1790). One Testament politique claims to have been ‘traduit de l'allemand par M. Linguet’ (Brussels, 1790). The other is alleged to have been published in Vienna in 1791 (2 vols.).Google Scholar

92 Leipzig, 1790.

93 Vienna, 1790.

94 Leben und Geschichte Kaiser Joseph des Zweiten (5 Bändchen, Amsterdam, 1790–1791)Google Scholar. Vita e Fasti Giuseppe II (?3 vols., Lugano, 1790)Google Scholar. La Vie de Joseph II (Paris, 1790).Google Scholar

95 Vienna, and Leipzig, , 1790. See esp. p. 101n.Google Scholar

96 Frankfurt, and Leipzig, , 1790. See esp. p. 4.Google Scholar

97 2 vols., Salzburg, , 1790.Google Scholar

98 E.g. Recueil de leltres originates de I'Empereur Joseph II, au General d'Alton (Brussels, 1790)Google Scholar; Recueil de Lettres de … Albert et Marie Christine, au comte Trauttmansdorff (Brussels, 1790)Google Scholar; Mémoires pour servir à la justification de feue Son Excellence le Giniral Comte D'Alton, n.d.,.'1791; Fragmens pour servir à I'histoire des événemens qui se sont passés aux Pays-Bas … (Amsterdam, 1792).Google Scholar The review article by Meusel, in Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek, cvii (1791), 507, cast doubt on the authenticity of the Neu gesammelte Briefe, mentioned in one of the works under review.Google Scholar

99 Many of Arneth's editions have already been cited, and one of Brunner's works. Meynert, H., Kaiser Joseph II. (Vienna, 1862)Google Scholar, and Wolf, Adam, Marie Christine, Erzherzogin von Oesterreich (2 vols., Vienna, 1863), are among the earliest works on the period based on documentary material.Google Scholar

100 E.g. Fournier, , Historische Studien, vol. 1, p. 132n. And see n. 108.Google Scholar

101 Much of this paragraph is based on Wadzeck, Friedrich, Leben und Schicksale des berüchtigen Franz Rudolph von Grossing, eigentlich Franz Matthäus Grossinger genannt, nebst der Geschichte und Bekanntmachung der Geheimnisse des Rosen-Ordens (Berlin, Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1789)Google Scholar, which publishes a number of authentic documents. The Emperor's letter-books provide some additional information, as does ed. Gragger, R., Preussen, Weimar und die ungarische Königskrone (Berlin and Leipzig, 1923), pp. 22–37 and the related end-notes.Google Scholar

102 Staatenjournal, 1 (Nuremberg, 1787), 3.

103 Ed. Gragger, , Preussen, Weimar und die ungarische Königskrone, pp. 24, 33–7 and nn.Google Scholar

104 Handbillet, to Pergen, , Lugos, 7 Oct. 1788 (HHSA, letter-book for 1788)Google Scholar: ‘Sobald als er in Wien ankommt, ist er in den geheime Arrest abzugehen, und … die weitere Untersuchung vorzunehmen.' Ed. Gragger, , Preussen, Weimar und die ungarische Königskrone, p. 29.Google Scholar

105 Ed. Gragger, , Preussen, Weimar und die ungarische Königskrone, pp. 32–3.Google Scholar

106 Ibid. p. 33.

107 Gräffer, Franz, Wiener-Dosenstüke. Erster Theil (Vienna, 1846), pp. 36–7. I have not pursued the question of the authorship of the Charakteristik.Google Scholar

108 Gragger, Even (Preussen, Weimar und die ungarische Königskrone, p. 29)Google Scholar and Valjavec, Fritz (Die Entstehung der polilischen Strdmungen in Deutschland, 1770–1815 (Munich, 1951), p. 122), who has studied the writings of F. R. Grossing in detail, still adhere to this view.Google Scholar

109 The documents appear to have been removed to Budapest after the First World War, but the Hungarian State Archives have only what seems to be a portion of the original file, containing merely a copy of Irrthümer in den Begriffen der meisten Ungarn.

110 Ed. Preussen, Gragger, Weimar und die ungarische Königslkrone, esp. pp. 81–4, 147–9.Google Scholar

111 Sashegyi, Oskar, Zensur und Geistesjreiheit unter Joseph II. (Budapest, 1958), pp. 133–5. Dr John Reddick helped me with this passage.Google Scholar

112 This must be the significance of the passage quoted by Mitrofanov, , Joseph II., p. 825n., though he thinks it refers to F.R.Google Scholar

113 Ed. Gragger, Preussen, Weimar und die ungarische Königskrone, p. 148.Google Scholar

114 ‘Gedruckt im Romischen Reiche, 1790’. On the authorship, see ed. Gragger, , Preussen, Weimar und die ungarische Königskrone, p. 81.Google Scholar

115 In the remnant of the Grossingakten in the Hungarian State Archives (see n. 105), Staatsrat Izdenczy noted of the Irrthümer that it appeared to be the work of Joseph Grossing, who ‘gab sich in der Folge bei S.M. selbst als der Verfasser’. Silagi, Denis, Ungarn und der geheime Mitarbeiterkreis Kaiser Leopolds II. (Munich, 1961) seems to have missed this book and the Grossing brothers.Google Scholar

116 At the end of the preface (Briefe (1821), p. xii) appears this statement over the name F. A. Brockhaus: ‘Die Verlagshandlung fiigt diesem Vorwort noch hinzu, dass ihr diese Briefsammlung von einem in Auslande lebenden Deutschen, der in fruherer Zeit an Joseph II attachirt war, zur offentlichcn Bekanntmachung ist iiberlassen und ihr die Aechtheit derselben auf das Bestimmteste ist zugesichert worden.‘Brockhaus‘catalogue (ed. Brockhaus, Heinrich, F. A. Brockhaus in Leipzig. Vollstandiges Verzeichniss … (Leipzig, 1872), p. 159), describes F. R. Grossing as Herausgebcr of the Briefe.Google Scholar

117 Meusel, J. G., Das gelehrte Teutschland (5th ed., Lemgo, 1796), 11, 681–3; tt (suppl., Lemgo, 1801), 1, p. 466.Google Scholar

118 Király, Béla K., Hungary in the Late Eighteenth Century (New York and London, 1969), p. 156 and n. The original letter is in HHSA, Kaiser Franz Akten, Fasc. 151 [formerly 154], K.I.Google Scholar

119 Dr O. Sashegyi kindly informed me that the entry in Magyar Életrajzi Lexikon, I(Budapest, 1967), p. 624, was based on the statement in Hadi törtrténetek (Vienna, 1789), 1, 442 that F. R. Grossing was condemned to life imprisonment and sent to Kuf stein. Meusel (Das gelehrte Teutschland (5th ed.), n, 68), says that since 1788 he has been in the Bergschloss zu Grätz. Gragger's documents, however, show that he was imprisoned in Vienna at least until 1790.Google Scholar

120 Gragger, , Preussen, Weimar und die ungarische Königskrone, pp. 148–9Google Scholar. Cf. Wangermann, , From Joseph 11 to the Jacobin Trials, esp. pp. 10–11, 86.Google Scholar

121 In what remains of the Grossingakten (Hungarian State Archives).

122 See p. 481 above.

123 Briefe (1821), p. iii.

124 See above, pp. 471–2.

125 Schmid, Johanna, ‘Der Wandel des Bildes Josephs II in der osterreichische HistOriographie von den Zeitgenossen bis zum Ende der Monarchic ‘ (Ph.D. thesis, 1972, Nationalbibliothek, Vienna). She has not, however, concentrated on the question, and has not fully appreciated the influence of the Neu gesammelte Briefe, of which she believes the 1821 edition to be truly the first.Google Scholar

126 Engel-Jánosi, F., ‘Josephs II. Tod im Urteil der Zeitgenossen’, Mitteilungen des öterreichischen Instituts für Geschichtsforschung, XLIV (1930), 324–46.Google Scholar

127 Cf. Schlitter's, H. preface to the German translation of Mitrofanov (Joseph II., p. 5).Google Scholar

128 On Schuselka see Kann, Robert A., The Multinational Empire (New York, 1970), pp. 63–8 and end-notes, pp. 363–5.Google Scholar

129 Winkler, H., ‘Die Reformen Josephs II im Urteil der Broschüren’, (Ph.D. thesis, 1971, Nationalbibliothek, Vienna).Google Scholar

130 Ed. Benda, K., A magyar Jakobinusok iratai (Budapest, 1952–7, 3 vols)Google Scholar; Bernard, , Jesuits and JacobinsGoogle Scholar: ed. Korner, A., Die Wiener JakpbinerGoogle Scholar; Silagi, D., Jakobiner in der Habsburger-Monarchie (Vienna, 1962)Google Scholar; Valjavec, , Die Entstehung der politischen Strömungen in Deutschland; Wangermann, From Joseph II to the Jacobin Trials.Google Scholar

131 Wangermann, , The Austrian Achievement, iyoo–1800 (London, 1973), esp. ch. III.Google Scholar

132 Silagi, D., Ungarn und die geheime Mitarbeiterkreis Kaiser Leopolds II.Google Scholar

133 Revolutionary Emperor, pp. 42, 109.

134 A notable recent instance of reliance on Padover resulting in gross error is the entry for Joseph II in ed. Howat, G. M. D. and Taylor, A. J. P., A Dictionary of World History (London, 1973). P. 780.Google Scholar

135 See above, pp. 477–8.

136 Goodwin, , Papal Conflict with Joscphinism, pp. 49–50.Google Scholar

137 To Maria Theresa, 20 July 1777 (ed. Arneth, , Maria Theresia and Joseph II., 11, 152).Google Scholar