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Anne Boleyn's Religion*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

G. W. Bernard
G. W. Bernard
Affiliation:
University of Southampton
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Abstract

It has become fashionable to characterize Henry VIII's second queen, Anne Boleyn, as evangelical in religion and as a patron of reformers. But this rests heavily on the later testimony of John Foxe and of one of Anne's chaplains, William Latimer. Contemporary evidence of Anne's activity, under critical scrutiny, turns out to offer a different impression, as does an analysis of episcopal appointments in the early 1530s. A remarkable sermon preached by John Skip, the queen's almoner, a few weeks before her death, casts further doubt on the claims for Anne's reformist zeal.

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Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 36 , Issue 1 , March 1993 , pp. 1 - 20
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1993

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References

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32 BL Royal MS 16 E XIII. Ives, , Anne Boleyn, pp. 293, 319, 321Google Scholar; Mayer, C. A., ‘Anne Boleyn et la version originale du “sermon du bon pasteur” d'Almanque Papillon’, Bulletin de la société de l'histoire du protestantisme français', CXXXII (1986), 337–46Google Scholar (I owe this reference to Dr A. C. Duke); Mayer, C. A., ‘“Le semon du bon pasteur”: un problème d'attribution’, Bibliothèque d'humanisme et renaissance, XXVII (1965), 286–303Google Scholar (includes text).

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34 See below, p. 19.

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36 LP, VI, 458.

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38 Dowling, , ‘Anne Boleyn and reform’, p. 30Google Scholar, citing BL Sloane MS 1207, for text.

39 Shakespeare, J. and Dowling, M., ‘Religion and politics in mid-Tudor England’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, LV (1982), 97Google Scholar; cf. LP, vii, 197.

40 Ives, , Anne Boleyn, pp. 7–8, 322–3Google Scholar; BL, Harleian M S 6148, fo. 79b (LP, VII, 693).

41 LP, VII, 693. Foxe suggests that Anne secured the release from prison of Thomas Patmore – one of his ‘brethren’, we are told, ‘made such suit unto the king (by means of the queen) that after three years' imprisonment, he was released’ and a commission under Audley, Cranmer and Cromwell appointed to inquire into the unjust dealings of Bishop Stokesley. Patmore was by no means a defiant reformer, on Foxe's account: perhaps Anne was moved by simple humanity rather than necessarily by religious conviction (Acts and monuments, V, 36–7).

42 LP, VII, 29.

43 Bergenroth, G. A., de Gayangos, P., Hume, M. A. S., Mattingly, G. and Tyler, R., eds., Calendar of state papers, Spanish (13 vols. in 20, 1862–1954), V (i), no. 40, p. 118Google Scholar.

44 LP, VII, 170, X, 345. Cf. also Bruce, J. T. and Perowe, T. T., eds., Correspondence of Matthew Parker 1535–1575, Parker Society (1853)Google Scholar, no. 3.

45 Epistre contenant le proces criminel faict a l'encontre de la royne Anne Bovllant d'Angleterre (Lyon, 1545)Google Scholar; text printed in Ascoli, G., La Grande Bretagne devant l'opinion française depuis la guerre de cent ans jusqu'à la fin du XVIe siècle (Paris, 1927)Google Scholar. Cf. Dowling, , ‘Latymer's Cronickille’, pp. 37–8Google Scholar.

46 James, S. E., ‘The devotional writings of Queen Catherine Parr’, Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, LXXXII (1982), 135–40Google Scholar; ‘Queen Kateryn Parr (1512–1548)’, ibid. LXXXVIII (1988), 107–20 (though neither is very helpful in characterizing Parr's theology).

47 Redworth, G., papers read at Christ Church, Oxford, 5 06 1986 and 4 June 1987Google Scholar.

48 Bodleian, MS Don c. 42 fos. 28–28v (Dowling, , ‘Latymer's Cronickille’, p. 56Google Scholar).

49 Foxe, , Acts and monuments, V, 60, 135–6Google Scholar; Bodleian MS Don. c. 42 fo. 29v (Dowling, , ‘Latymer's Cronickille’, pp. 59–60Google Scholar).

50 Warnicke notes the role of several of those appointed as bishops in ‘the polling of the universities about Leviticus’ (Rise and fall of Anne Boleyn, p. 156), but their involvement was broader than that suggests.

51 LP, IV (iii), 5945, 5983, 5996, 6026, 6073, 6154–5.

52 LP, IV (iii), 5278; V, 5 (2), 418, 432, 483; VI, 180.

53 LP, IV (iii), 3913, 4119, 4167, 4251; VI 419, 432, 1013, 1058. In one place Foxe suggests that Gardiner ‘was first sent to Rome, and then to the emperor with Edward Foxe, as chief agent in the behalf of the lady Anne by whom also he was preferred to the bishopric of Winchester’ (Acts and monuments, VII, 586). Yet later, with equal implausibility, Foxe saw Gardiner as responsible for Anne's downfall (Acts and monuments, V, 135, 137).

54 LP, VI, 89, 142, 180; Kelly, H. A., The matrimonial trials of Henry VIII (Stanford, 1976), pp. 222–38Google Scholar.

55 Foxe, , Acts and monuments, VIII, 8, 10Google Scholar; Nichols, , Narratives, p. 242Google Scholar.

56 BL, Cotton MS, Otho C x. fo. 230(LP, x, 792).

57 Foxe, , Acts and monuments, VIII, 6–10, esp. 10Google Scholar. Dowling, , ‘Latymer's Cronickille’, p. 59Google Scholar n. 26, cites Foxe, , Acts and monuments, VII, 6Google Scholar, in support of her suggestion that ‘possibly Anne's mediation did procure him the see of Canterbury’, but the reference is wrong and nothing in Acts and monuments, VIII, 6–10 supports it.

58 LP, IV (iii), 6247; V, 327.

59 LP, VI, 437, 451, 491, 493.

60 LP, IV (iii), 6247; V. 1320, 1660.

61 LP, IV (iii), 3913, 4167, 4251, 6505; V, 238, 251, 340, 368, 393, 427, 432; VII, 1602 (3).

62 LP, VII, 939, 1169.

63 LP, VI, 333, 981, 1011, 1014, 1226, 1385; IV app., 724; VI, 1067.

64 Cf. Warnicke's comment that ‘to suggest that Anne alone had won for these men either the bishoprics or sufficiently advanced positions in the church that made their subsequent episcopal election possible would be to exaggerate greatly her influence in religious matters. The king, his new archbishop of Canterbury, and Cromwell…had personal agendas to fulfil and vital interests to protect in the selection of new bishops’; but note her later reference to ‘the eight Henrician bishops favoured by Anne’ (Rise and fall of Anne Boleyn, p. 156).

65 LP, VII, 1528–30; VIII, 412; IX, 1091; X, 527, 730.

66 Foxe, , Acts and monuments, V, 135Google Scholar; VII, 461.

67 LP, VI, 246–7, 317, 411–12, 433 (i–iii), 573, 796, 1214; Foxe, Acts and monuments, VI app; VII, 459–60, 473–7. Elton, G. R., Policy and police (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 112–17Google Scholar.

68 LP, VI, 1249; VII, 29–30, 32, 228.

69 LP, VII, 578; Whiting, R., ‘Abominable idols: images and image-breaking under Henry VIII’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XXXIII (1982), 39Google Scholar.

70 LP, IX, 203, 252, 272; X, 1257 (ix); XI, 117 (7). Cf. the comment in Dictionary of national biography, XI, 615, ‘we do not find in his writings any expression of regard for her’.

71 LP, IX, 203, 252, 272; X, 1257 (ix); XI, 117 (10).

72 LP, VII, 577 (cf. 30).

73 LP, V, 297; Foxe, , Acts and monuments, IV, 679–80Google Scholar.

74 Foxe, , Acts and monuments, V, 135–6Google Scholar.

75 LP, X, 835.

76 LP, X, 797.

77 BL, Cotton MS, Otho C x. fos. 226–226v (LP, x, 792); LP, x, 942 (in which Shaxton also hoped that Cromwell would be no less diligent in setting forth the honour of God and his holy word than when the Queen was alive – as she had often incited him to).

78 Foxe, , Acts and monuments, V, 60Google Scholar; VIII, 71–2; LP, VII, 14, 19–21. Warnicke is unfair to use the later conservatism of Thirlby, Heath, and, one might add, Shaxton, to throw light on Anne's attitudes in the 1530s (Rise and fall of Anne Boleyn, pp. 158, 162).

79 LP, VIII, 632.

80 PRO, SP6/1 fos. 7–10v (LP, x, 615 (4), partially quoted by Lehmberg, S. E., The Reformation parliament 1529–1536 (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 244–5)Google Scholar is headed ‘Heirafter folloith the sume of the moest speciall and principall places wheiche maister Skyppe broght in his sermonde sayde in the kynges chappell apon passion Sunday in the yer of our lorde 1536’ (PR O SP6/2 fos. 1–3 is a shorter summary). PRO SP1/103 fos. 75–81 are a series of ‘interrogatoryes and articles to be admynystred to the precher whiche preched the Sermon yn the Corte on Passion Sonday’. The text of the interrogatories refers to the sermon as preached in Lent and before members of the king's council. It is hard to see why the attribution should be wrong. There is no evidence of what, if anything, happened: Skip's career does not seem to have been affected. Cf. Dowling, , ‘Latymer's Cronickille’, p. 36Google Scholar, for the suggestion that Anne took only evangelicals into her service.

81 PRO, SP6/1 fos. 7–7v.

82 PRO, SP1/103 fos. 77, 75v.

83 PRO, SP6/1 fo. 7v.

84 PRO, SP1/103 fo. 77.

85 PRO, SP6/1 fo. 8.

86 PRO, SP1/103 fos. 77–77v.

87 PRO, SP6/1 fo. 8.

88 Ibid. fos. 8–8v. Cf. the complaint made by the church in the Answer of the ordinaries in 1532 that ‘the evil acts and deeds of men be the more defaults of those particular men, and not of the whole order of the clergy’ (Gee, H. and Hardy, W. J., eds., Documents illustrative of English church history (1896), p. 161Google Scholar).

89 PRO, SP1/103 fo. 79.

90 PRO, SP6/1 fos. 8v–9. For a study of a contemporary play, Godly Queene Hester, drawing on the story of Ahasuerus, Aman and Hesther arguably to make a comparable conservative case in defence of the monasteries in 1529, see Walker, G., Plays of persuasion: drama and politics at the court of Henry VIII (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 102–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a comparison of Thomas Cromwell with Aman and the Pilgrims of Grace with the Jews, seeLP, XII i 1021 (5).

91 PRO, Sp6/1 fos. 9–9v; sp1/103 fo. 79.

92 skip is here defending not the apotropaic power of holy water, holy bread, holy ashes and palmes (that is, their power to drive away demons, diseases and ill fortune), but rather thier value as aids for the inculation and rembrance of fundamental christian truths. It has recently been suggested by Duffy, E., The stripping of the Allars: traditional religion in England 1400–1580 (1992)Google Scholar, in an analysis of the Ten Articles of 1536 and of radical preachers in Kent in the early 1540s, that such an emphasis marks a retreat from traditional religion (pp. 393–4, 439). But to interpret Skip's sermon in that way would be to fly in that way would be to fly in the face of what the sermon says taken as a whole. It is clear that in explaning the significance of these ceremonies and in making a distinction between ceremonies and possible abuses of such ceremonies, Skip was arguing not for their rejection but rather in order to defend them from exaggerated critisim and precisely to protect them from outright abolition. Contradicting his earlier position, Duffy goes in his discussion of the Marian church (p. 533) to note in passing, and in my view more perceptively, that strategies of this kind were one of the ways by which Henrician conservatives such as Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of Durham, and Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, strove to prevent the the outright abolition of ceremonies. It is striking that the evidence of this sermon would place Skip in their company.

93 PRO, SP6/1 fo. 9v. cf. Lehmberg, , Reformation parliament pp. 244–5Google Scholar, but note that the text speaks not of ‘innovations’ but of ‘alterations’.

94 PRO, SP1/103 fos. 79v–80v.

95 PRO, SP6/1 fos. 9v–10.

96 PRO, SP1/103 fos. 80v–81. Cf. More's, Thomas definition: ‘such maner of spekynge as euery man vseth, when he calleth one self noughty lad, both a shrewd boy and a good soone, the one inthe proper symple speche, the tother by the fygure of ironye or antiphrasys’, Guy, J., Keen, R., Miller, C. H. and McGugan, R., eds., The complete works of St Thomas More, vol. X, The debellation of Salem and Bizance (1987), p. 24Google Scholar.

97 Ibid. fo. 75.

98 On the polemical context see especially LP, X, 601; cf. Kreider, A., English chantries: the road to dissolution (1979), pp. 117–18Google Scholar. Towards the end of April both Chapuys and Archbishop Lee reported that the king had ordered that preachers should avoid new opinions on rites and ceremonies lest dissension arose (LP, X, 716, 752; cf. 804, 891). In noting that Skip's sermon ‘apparently contained a good deal in defence of tradition in the church’ but ‘got him into hot water…when it moved on to deal with the morality and integrity of parliament, the council and the leaders of society’, Ives misses the significance of Skip's religious conservatism (Anne Boleyn, pp. 312–13).Smith, L. B. noted the essential conservatism of the sermon but drew no broader conclusions: Tudor prelates and politics 1536–1558 (Princeton, 1953), pp. 178, 227–8Google Scholar.

99 BL, Cotton MS, Otho Cx fo. 223 (Ellis, , Original letters, I ii. 64Google Scholar; LP, X, 910); Anne had greatly desired to have the company of her almoner (BL, Cotton MS, Otho C x fo. 228vEllis, , Original letters, I ii. 59Google Scholar; LP, X, 797).

100 BL, Cotton MS, Cleopatra E IV. fos. 29, 28* (LP, V, 1525; VI, 115).

101 LP, x, 371; Dowling, M., ‘The gospel and the court: reformation under Henry VIII’, in Dowling, M. and Lake, P., eds., Protestantism and the national church in sixteenth century England (1987), PP. 36–77 at p. 47Google Scholar.

102 BL, Cotton MS, Otho C x fo. 229 (Ellis, , Original letters, I ii. 54; LP, x, 793)Google Scholar. Cf. Warnicke, , Rise and fall of Anne Boleyn, p. 108Google Scholar, who wrongly cites LP, x, 797, and comments that ‘catholics at this time believed that the sight of the sacrament or having it nearby was spiritually efficacious’. Ives, , Anne Boleyn, pp. 325–6Google Scholar, notes Anne's reverence for the mass, but does not grasp how much her emotional emphasis on the host must qualify his characterisation of her religion.

103 BL, Cotton MS, Otho C x fo. 228V (Ellis, , Original letters, I ii. 59–60; LP, x, 797)Google Scholar.

104 BL, Cotton MS, Otho C x fo. 228v (Ellis, , Original letters, I ii. 59–60LP, x, 797)Google Scholar. Warnicke quite mistakenly refers to ‘Anne's prediction [my italics]… that she would go to heaven, for she had “done mony gud dedys”’ (Rise and fall of Anne Boleyn, p. 108).

105 See above, p. 7.

106 LP, x, 890, 902.

107 Aymot, T., ‘A memorial from George Constantyne to Thomas, Lord Cromwell’, Archaeologia, XXIII (1831), 65Google Scholar.

108 Baker, J. H., ed., The reports of Sir John Spelman, Selden Society, XCIII, XCIV (1977), I, 59Google Scholar; Hamilton, W. D., ed., Wriothesley's chronicle, Camden Society, 2nd series, XI (1875), 42Google Scholar; Hll, E., Chronicle (1809 edn), p. 819Google Scholar; Foxe, , Acts and monuments V, 135Google Scholar; cf. Smart, , ‘“Favourers of God's Word?’”, pp. 191–2Google Scholar.

109 Ascoli, p. 270, lines 1219–50, esp. 1229–32; Vienna, Haus-;, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, England, Karton 7, Korrespondenz, Berichten 1536, fo. 107v, 109 (PRO, PRO31/18/2/2 fo. 144; LP, x, 908).

110 Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, England, Karton 7, Korrespondenz, Berichten 1536, fos. 107V, 109 (PRO, PRO31/18/2/2 fos. 144, 145; LP, x, 908); Ascoli, p. 260, lines 915–24.

111 Wriothesley's chronicle, p. 40; Bentley, S., Excerpta historica (1833), p. 263Google Scholar; Nichols, J. G., ed., Chronicle of Calais, Camden Society, Ist series, XXXV (1846), 46–7Google Scholar.

112 Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, England, Karton 7, Korrespondenz, Berichten 1536, fos. 107v, 109 (PRO, PRO31/18/2/2 fos. 144, 145; LP, x, 908).