Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2014
Set in the context of the larger literature on regionalist parties and specifically on the Italian Northern League, this paper examines and explains why the party moved from Euro-positivism to Euroscepticism. Drawing on concepts raised in the larger comparative politics literature, five explanations of this U-turn towards Europe are evaluated. It is argued that, despite the strength of explanations that focus on the desires of party supporters, the role of public opinion, the potential influence of economic investors or the role of EU-level institutions in shaping party preferences, a more cogent explanation focuses on domestic-level developments. The conclusions will underscore the general implications of this research for the study of parties, particularly regionalist ones in the EU, highlighting that a party's changing stance towards supranational integrationist polices can be best understood as a consequence of its experience in a political system's electoral system.
2 Earlier and recent examples of the literature on regionalist parties and party systems include S. M. Lispet and S. Rokkan, Party Systems and Voter Alignments: Cross-National Perspectives, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1967; G. Sartori, Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1979; S. Rokkan and D. W. Urwin, The Politics of Territorial Identity, Studies in European Regionalism, Sage Publications, London, 1982; M. Keating, ‘Europeanism and Regionalism’, in B. Jones, and M. Keating (eds), The European Union and the Regions, London, Oxford, 1995; Marks, G. and Wilson, C. J., ‘The Past in the Present: A Cleavage Theory of Response to European Integration’, British Journal of Political Science, 30: 3 (2000), pp. 433–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Keating, ‘Europeanism and Regionalism’, op. cit., pp. 7–8.
4 P. Lynch, ‘Co-operation between Regionalist Parties at the Level of the European Union: The European Free Alliance’, in L. De Winter and H. Türsan (eds), Regionalist Parties in Western Europe, London, Routledge, 1998, pp. 190–203, 191–2.
5 S. Hix and C. Lord, Political Parties in the European Union, London, Macmillan, 1997, pp. 46–7.
6 Examples of this literature over the last 10 years include Gallagher, T., ‘The Regional Dimension in Italy's Political Upheaval: Role of the Northern League 1984–1993’, Parliamentary Affairs, 1 (1994), pp. 456–68;Google Scholar I. Diamanti, Il Male del Nord: Lega, Localismo, secessione, Rome, Donzelli, 1996; I. Diamanti, ‘The Northern League: from Regional Party to Party of Government’, in S. Gundle and S. Parker (eds), The New Italian Republic: From the Fall of the Berlin Wall to Berlusconi, London, Routledge, 1996, pp. 113–29; Agnew, J., ‘The Dramaturgy of Horizons: Geographical Scale in the “Reconstruction of Italy” by the New Italian Political Parties, 1992–95’, Political Geography, 16: 2 (1997), pp. 99–121CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Giordano, B., ‘A Place Called Padania? The Lega Nord and the Political Representation of Northern Italy’, European Urban and Regional Studies, 6: 3 (1999), pp. 215–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Giordano, B. and Roller, E., ‘A Comparison of Catalan and “Padanian” Nationalism: More Similarities than Differences?’, Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans, 3: 2 (2001), pp. 111–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; F. Cavatorta, The Role of the Northern League in Transforming the Italian Political System: From Economic Federalism to Ethnic Politics and Back, Contemporary Politics, 7: 1 (2001), pp. 27–40.
7 Cavatorta, ‘The Role of the Northern League’, op. cit., p. 39.
8 Messina, P., ‘Opposition in Italy in the 1990s: Local Political Cultures and the Northern League’, Government and Opposition, 33: 4 (1998), pp. 462–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
9 Morlino, L., ‘Crisis of Parties and Change of Party System in Italy’, Party Politics, 2: 1 (1996), pp. 5–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
10 R. Leonardi and M. Kovacs, ‘The Lega Nord: The Rise of a new Italian Catchall Party’, in S. Hellman and G. Pasquino (eds), Italian Politics. A Review, London, Pinter, 1993, pp. 123–41.
11 A. Cento Bull, ‘Ethnicity, Racism and the Northern League’, in C. Levy (ed.), Italian Regionalism: History, Identity and Politics, Oxford and Washington, Berg, 1996, pp. 171–87.
12 Cavatorta, ‘The Role of the Northern League’, op. cit., p. 39.
13 Ruzza, C. E. and Schmidtke, O., ‘Roots of Success of the Lega Lombarda: Mobilization Dynamics and the Media’, West European Politics, 16: 2 (1993), pp. 1–23, 17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
14 Beirich, H. and Woods, D., ‘Globalisation, Workers and the Northern League’, West European Politics, 23: 1 (2000), pp. 130–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
15 AgePadania, 16 June 1997 and 24 November 1997.
16 AgePadania, 1 July 1997.
17 Padania is an artificially geographical term created by the NL. ‘Padania’ did never exist. However, the NL gathered all north Italian regions under this new term and sold it as a historical and therefore also legitimizing fact.
18 AgePadania, 1 July 1997. Transformation of animal proteins is understood as suggesting hormone treatment of the cattle so that the animals would grow faster.
19 A great part of the NL's electorate can be found in this environment.
20 Speech in EP plenary session 13.2.1996; CD-rom: ‘La storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_e_21. The ideas raised here are also based on interviews with MEPs of the League and high-ranking political actors associated with Bossi.
21 AgePadania, 1 July 1997.
22 AgePadania, 29 April 1997.
23 La Padania, 29–30 March 1998.
24 Ibid.
25 Bossi believed the fiscal pressure would rise by 11 percentage points.
26 AgePadania, 7 May 1998.
27 La Padania, 29–30 March 1998.
28 G. M. Pomper et al., The Performance of American Government: Checks and Minuses, New York, Free Press, 1972, pp. 46–63.
29 Almond, G. A., ‘Comparing Political Systems’, Journal of Politics, 18: 2 (1956), pp. 391–409;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
30 P. Esaiasson and S. Holmberg, Representation From Above: Members of Parliament and Representative Democracy in Sweden, Aldershot, Dartmouth, 1996.
31 Gabel, M., ‘European Integration, Voters and National Politics’, West European Politics, 23: 4 (2000), pp. 52–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
32 Ibid., p. 63.
33 Beirich and Woods, ‘Globalisation, Workers and the Northern League’, op. cit.
34 Diamanti, I., ‘La tentazione del nord: meno Italia e meno Europa’, Limes: L’Italia mondiale, 1: 98 (1998);Google Scholar Gabel, ‘European Integration’, op. cit.
35 La Repubblica, 29 March 1998.
36 W. E. Miller and J. Merrill Shanks, The New American Voter, Cambridge, Harvard, 1996.
37 D. Morris, Behind the Oval Office, New York, Random House, 1997.
38 A. Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy, New York, Harper and Row, 1957.
39 Diamanti, ‘La tentazione del nord’, op. cit.
40 T. Ferguson and J. Rogers, Right Turn, New York, Hill and Wang, 1986.
41 Ibid., p. 46.
42 One might argue that the NL was more sensitive towards the interests of small and medium businesses concerning European integration as they represent an important part of their supporters (see Cavatorta, ‘The Role of the Northern League’, op. cit.). Unlike big businesses, small and medium businesses in northern Italy were not enthusiastic about the EMU and its impact on their competitiveness in the European market. However, the ‘party supporter’ explanation (Graph 1 and Graph 2) has shown that supporters in general (including also representatives of small and medium businesses) did not become more Euro-sceptic. Hence, we can state that there is also little evidence that the ‘economic actors’ explanation works for small and medium businesses in the north.
43 Correspondence with League officials, July 2001.
44 For a discussion of the ‘neo-liberal’ consensus that served as a foundation for EMU and the benefits derived from business in the single integrated market, see K. McNamara, The Currency of Ideas: Monetary Politics in the European Union, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 1998. For a more detailed example of business leaders’ desires and goals in the EMU see the analysis of Spain in Chari, R. S., ‘The “Europeanization” of Domestic Economic Policy: Lessons from the Labour Market Reform in Spain’, South European Society and Politics, 6: 1 (2001), pp. 51–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
45 G. B. Peters, Institutional Theory in Political Science. The ‘New Institutionalism’, London and New York, Pinter 1999; B. Steunenberg and F. van Vught (eds), Political Institutions and Public Policy: Perspectives on European Decision Making, Dordrecht, Boston and London, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1997; Tsebelis, G., ‘The Power of the European Parliament as a Conditional Agenda Setter’, American Political Science Review, 88: 1 (1994), pp. 128–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
46 Written question 0494/95 (24 March 1995); CD-rom: ‘La Storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_b_12.
47 Written question 3630/95; CD-rom: ‘La Storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_e_5.
48 Speeches in EP plenary session 13 February 1996; CD-rom: ‘La Storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_e_21; 18 September 1996; CD-rom: ‘La Storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_e_27; 8 April 1997 and 23 April 1997; CD-rom: ‘La Storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_e_35/36.
49 Speech in EP plenary session 4 June 1995 and 23 May 1996 and a written question 3313/95 (2 April 1995); CD-rom: ‘La storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_c_1/10/6.
50 Written question 2440/96 (9–30 September 1996); CD-rom: ‘La Storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_a_8.
51 S. Hix, The Political System of the European Union, London, Macmillan, 1999.
52 Speech in EP plenary session 13 March 1996 and 19 June 1996; CD-rom: ‘La Storia della Lega Nord’, document Eu_e_22/24.
53 La Padania, 29–30 March 1998.
54 See attendance register on EP sessions.
55 M. Laver and N. Schofield, Multiparty Government: The Politics of Coalition in Europe, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990; W. C. Müller and K. Strøm, ‘Political Parties and Hard Choices’, in W. C. Müller and K. Strøm (eds), Policy, Office, or Votes? How Political Parties in Western Europe Make Hard Decisions, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 1–20.
56 Giannetti, D. and Laver, M., ‘Party System Dynamics and the Making and Breaking of Italian Governments’, Electoral Studies, 20: 4 (2001), pp. 529–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
57 Müller and Strøm, ‘Political Parties and Hard Choices’, op. cit., p. 9.
58 Budge, I. and Laver, M., ‘Office Seeking and Policy Pursuit in Coalition Theory’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 11: 4 (1986), pp. 485–506;, 490.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
59 Müller and Strøm, ‘Political Parties and Hard Choices’, op. cit., p. 6. See explanations 1 and 2.
60 Corriere della Sera, 7 March 1998.
61 Ibid., 6 February 1998.
62 Ibid., 15 December 1997.
63 Ibid., 22 January 1998.
64 Ibid., 18 February 1998.
65 Ibid., 22 January 1998.
66 Ibid., 19 March 1998.
67 Ibid., 20 February 1998.
68 The ‘Bicamerale’ was an Italian parliamentary commission for constitutional reforms.
69 Corriere della Sera, 6 February 1998.
70 Ibid., 20 February 1998.
71 Ibid., 21 January 1998.
72 F. Chiapponi, ‘La propaganda della Lega Nord nelle elezioni politiche del 13 maggio 2001: un’analisi del contenuto’, paper presented at the Italian Political Science Association meeting, September 2001, Siena.
73 O. Schmidtke, Politics of Identity. Ethnicity, Territories, and the Political Opportunity Structure in Modern Italian Society, Sinzheim, Pro Universitate, 1996.
74 I. Diamanti, La Lega. Geografia, Storia e sociologia di un nuovo soggetto politico, Rome, Donzelli, 1995; Schmidtke, Politics of Identity, op. cit.