Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2014
The Transition Process in Hungary Produced Well-established parties and a developed party system. Parties came into existence along political and ideological lines. Parties had an organization, party programme, membership and party discipline similar to those of political parties in the Western European countries. The organization and structure of these parties resembled those of middle-class parties more than socialist or communis/fascist parties. Hungarian parties also had ‘direct structure’ with individual membership. All of them were closer to mass parties than to cadre parties, i.e. their primary aim was electoral success. But none of them became a mass party in terms of membership figures, which were rather low (the total membership of the six parliamentary parties was below 200,000 in 1990, so it was about 2.5 – 3 per cent of the electorate. There were ‘catch-all’ parties (HDF, AFD), parties with specific interest representation (SHP) and parties organized along some ideological principle (CDPP).
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2 The HSP can be regarded as a potential exception, since associate organizations (trade unions, etc.) might be directly represented with voting rights in the National Council (Országos Választmány) of the party.
3 The organizational density, i.e. proportion of members to voters of a given party was between 5 – 6% on the average by the end of 1991. This is lower than the Western European average (13%) during the 1980s, but similar or higher than in Spain, Greece, Portugal, France and the Netherlands. See Gallagher, M., Laver, M. and Mair, P., Representative Government in Western Europe, New York London, McGreaw‐Hill, Inc. 1992, p. 122.Google Scholar
4 The stability of the party system is, partly, due to the gradual transition process and the character of the previous regime. The gradual transition gave room for the division of the opposition, so by the time of the election the competition between the anti‐communist parties became the main dimension of the political scene. See A. Körösényi, ‘The Decay of the Communist Rule in Hungary. The Phases of the transition from 1985 to 1990′, in Bozóki‐Körösényi, A. and Schöpflin, G. (eds), Postcommunist Transition. Emerging Pluralism in Hungary, London, Pinter, New York, St Martin's, 1992, p. 1‐12.Google Scholar
5 The 2,119 votings in the period between 2 May 1990 and 30 December 1990 were taken into consideration. Figures show the averages of daily averages.
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7 The most important ones were the ‘constructive vote of non‐confidence’ and the lack of responsibility of Cabinet ministers to parliament (1990 summer Constitutional Amendments).
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10 See the results of the MKI opinion surveys: Magyar Hirtap, 28 March 1990, p. 5; and opinion surveys made by GALLUP‐Budapest, Research Report, 20 March 1990. In fact, two small extra‐parliamentary parties, the hardliner communist HSWP and the Hungarian Social Democratic Party had a blue‐collar constituency. But since they were not able to pass the 4 per cent threshold at the elections they could not get into parliament.
11 The Hungarian Socialist Party was formed by the reformer wing of the former ruling communist party, the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party (HSWP). The HSWP survived the transition as the party of the communist hardliners, but was not able to reach parliamentary representation.
12 The Alford‐index showed −2 in March 1989 and + 7 in March 1990. Source: Bruszt, L. and Simon, J., A nagy átalakitás 1989‐91, Budapest, MS, p. 36.Google Scholar
13 The loss of the old unions was estimated between 1 – 2 million of the former 4.4 million members by September 1991. In the meantime the total membership of new unions had not exceeded 0.5 million.
14 A five party (HDF‐SHP‐CDPP‐AFD‐FYD) Bill aimed to weaken the ex‐communist unions (MSZOSZ) and favour the new ‘independent’ unions through the redistribution of the property of the MSZOSZ to the new unions.
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16 The 200,000 ethnic Germans (Schwabians) are the strongest linguistic‐national minority; they compose 2 per cent of die total population. The strongest ethnic minority group, however, is the 500,000 – 600,000 Gypsy population (5 – 6%). They are regarded as an ethnic minority group, which has not achieved a national minority status. Since 1989 various Gypsy organizations have been formed in order to gain special minority rights, but this issue is not part of mainstream politics in Hungary. The demands of ethnic groups to have special parliamentary representation, however, may be a serious political issue by the time of the election.
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26 Bruszt, L. and Simon, J., ‘The Development of Party Preferences in Hungary’, Szoboszlai, G. (ed.), Demokratikus ÅtmeneUk. A Magyar Politikatudományi Tanaság Évkönyvt, 1991, Budapest, 1991, p. 179;Google Scholar Bruszt, L. and Simon, J. ’A választások éve a közvéleménykutatások tükrében, in Kurtán, S., Sándor, P. and Vass, L. (eds), Magyarország Politikai Évkönyve 1991, Ökonómia Alapitvány‐Economix Rt., p. 612.Google Scholar
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