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Political Science, Political Theory and Policy‐Making in an Interdependent World
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2014
Extract
For Anyone Interested in Modern Politics There Could scarcely be a more pressing issue than how best to approach the task of identifying and comprehending the novel political challenges and opportunities which flow from the ever increasing interdependence of the destinies of human populations. At the intersection between challenge and opportunity there lie both fresh processes of policymaking and implementation and distinctly older political routines and habits of mind: the attempt at worst to pour very new and volatile wine into disturbingly antiquated bottles, or at best to bring the accumulated resources of centuries of statecraft to bear upon a bewildering array of often unprecedented hazards.
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References
1 For a vivid picture of continuity in difference see Brian Crowe's article in this issue, pp. 174–86. For light on the policy process inside the EC see Mazey, Sonia P. and Richardson, Jeremy J., ‘British Pressure Groups: the Challenge of Brussels’, Parliamentary Affairs, 45, 1992, pp. 92–107.Google Scholar
2 The importance of these reasons has long been stressed by Alasdair Maclntyre (e.g. ‘Ideology, Social science and Revolution’, Comparative Politics, 5, 1973, pp. 321 – 42). They are of especial significance for the understanding of revolutions (particularly dramatic instances of the disruption of routine politics: John Dunn, Rethinking Modem Political Theory, Cambridge, 1985, chapter 4).
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4 In social analysis the term network was First extensively employed by social anthropologists studying African urbanization. It is significant that non‐official and relatively critical participants in the new processes of policy‐making should place such emphasis on the instrumental value and personal sustenance of networking. For the use of the concept of social network see J. Clyde Mitchell (ed.), Social Networks in Urban Situations, Manchester 1969.
5 The urgency of this question comes out very sharply in Roger Williams's article in this issue, pp. 152 – 69. To see technical innovation as a single integrated causal field identifies an explicandum; but it does not dictate the choice of an explanatory model of the field itself. To balance fatalist against voluntarist elements within such a model is to bring into focus the inherent political plasticity of that process, the degree to which it really is open to modification by human comprehension and political choice. To balance demand‐led (contractors' or patrons') contributions to it against supply‐led contributions (the pursuit of scientific comprehension from unrestrainable intellectual curiosity or the personal quest for fame and fortune) is to identify the principal source of its impetus. It is remarkable how unclear we still remain over how to discharge either of these tasks. It is also extremely dangerous that we remain so unclear.
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15 In the case of states the continuity can readily be exaggerated, it is often the state as ideological fiction (Quentin Skinner, ‘The State’, in Terence Ball, James Farr and Russell Hanson (eds), Political Innovation and Conceptual Change, Cambridge, 1989, pp. 90–131; Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility, Introduction and chapter 8) which has had a clearly continuous historical identity rather than the state as a reasonably determinate causal entity.
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20 The scale of this task is very well brought out in Roger Williams's article in this issue, op. cit.
21 Locke, , Two Treatises of Government, ed. Laslett, P., Cambridge, 1960 Google Scholar, II, para 6; John Dunn, Locke, Oxford, 1984.
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25 Skinner, The State..
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