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“Trust the People”? Democratic Secessionism and Contemporary Practice

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 March 2019

Abstract

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Using the secession claims in Ukraine and elsewhere as points of reference, this article reflects on the meaning of popular sovereignty and consent of the governed in divided societies.

The article begins by critiquing the approach to secession claims prevailing internationally. It finds that the imprecision of the applicable rules, the plethora of secession claims, and most importantly, the claims’ adverse effects on relations between and within states urge different treatment.

The article then assesses an alternative approach, based on realizing the principles of self-determination and democracy through independence referendums. It finds that a doctrine of democratic secessionism, if conceived consistently and implemented consequently, shows considerable potential as a guide in treating secession claims. Moreover, this alternative proves preferable to the prevailing approach, practically as well as conceptually.

According the principles of self-determination and democracy higher legitimacy than and precedence to other considerations would in some conflict cases lead to striking outcomes. Nonetheless, such an alternative approach could prove not only intrinsically but also instrumentally valuable, contributing, ceteris paribus, to conflict resolution.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © 2015 by German Law Journal GbR 

References

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43 For example, see: “[T]hose who wish to undermine or to destroy the Canadian federal system must define clearly the risks involved and demonstrate that the new judicial and political situation they want to establish would be in the general interests of our people.” Pierre Trudeau, On Quebec Nationalism, in The Essential Trudeau 105, 115 (Ran Graham ed., 1998).Google Scholar

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72 The maxim of Roman law “quod omnes similiter tangit ab omnibus comprobetur” captures this principle. (Roughly translated: “What touches all similarly, should be approved by all.”) N.B.: Spanish Constitutional Court recently applied this principle with a different result. In its decisions from 2008 and 2014, it required that all Spaniards be able to vote in a referendum on the independence of a territorial unit (the Basque country and Catalonia, respectively) and that such a process be led by the government in Madrid. See Peters, supra note 3, at 270.Google Scholar

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89 I.e. the rallying cry of supporters of extending the electoral franchise in Great Britain in the nineteenth century. In full see: “[T]rust the people, and they will trust you—and they will follow you and join you in the defense of that Constitution against any and every foe. I have no fear of democracy. I do not fear for minorities; I do not care for those checks and securities [thought by some] of such importance.” Randolph Henry Spencer, Lord Churchill, Speech: Trust the People (Apr. 16, 1884), at http://www.bartleby.com/268/5/7.html.Google Scholar

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91 Russia did the same earlier in supporting South Ossetia's and Abkhazia's secession claims. See Rein Müllerson, Precedents in the Mountains: On the Parallels and Uniqueness of the Cases of Kosovo, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, 8 Chinese J. Int'l L., 2 (2009).)Google Scholar

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98 See Müllerson, Rein, Ukraine: Victim of Geopolitics, 13 Chinese J. Int'l L. 133, 140 (2014) (noting that “[t]here is no doubt that most Crimeans […] welcome the reunification of the Crimea with Russia.”).Google Scholar

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100 Though not by federalization, which is “assumed to be a way station to secession.” Timothy William Waters, Letting Go of Territorial Integrity: Getting Realism and Ideals Right on Ukraine, Volkerrechtsblog (Jun. 16, 2014), http://voelkerrechtsblog.com/2014/06/16/letting-go-of-territorial-integrity-getting-realism-and-ideals-right-on-Ukraine/.Google Scholar

101 Id. Google Scholar