The Biosphere Conference was organized by UNESCO and took place in September 1968, which was the first time that the word Biosphere became part of common, non-scientific language, and was the first intergovernmental conference on environmental problems. It sought to combine, effectively, conservation and the wise use of natural resources — thus advocating for the first time publicly the concept of ‘sustainable development’.

We face major and intimately interlinked problems of population, environment, and development. They are so profound and pervasive that they surely represent a uniquescale challenge for Humankind. The issues and policy responses will preoccupy the best understanding on the part of political leaders and scientists alike during the planning process leading up to the United Nations Conference on Population and Development which is to be held in Cairo from 5–13 September 1994.

Scientific aspects are to be addressed at an earlier conference that is to be attended by representatives of some 80 of the world's academies in New Delhi in late October 1993. The present paper reviews the principal factors and analyses relating to the three problems, with emphasis upon their interactive relationships. It concludes with an extended list of strategies to reduce both population growth and environmental degradation—twin challenges to be tackled within a framework of sustainable development, to which both will make critical contributions.

Issues of environment and development are increasingly being analysed within the framework offered by sustainability and sustainable development. This article explores a number of deep-seated contradictions and tensions that exist within these concepts at least as they are currently construed. It is noted that these contradictions are often glossed over in intellectual and policy debates, but are nonetheless profound and should be made explicit.

The contradictions identified and discussed in the paper are as follows:

–the paradox of technology (cause or cure?);

–uncertainty and decision-making (humility or arrogance in the face of ignorance?);

–intergenerational and intragenerational equity (a politically impossible trade-off?);

–economic growth versus ecological limits (is ‘sustainable development’ an oxymoron?);

–the reconciliation of individual and collective interests, applying both to individuals in their society, and nation states in the international community;

–the potential conflict between the diversity of democracy and purposeful action;

–differing kinds of resilience in the face of change (resistance, marginal change, and adaptability); and

–the question of whether or not optimization is anti-sustainability.

In conclusion we ask what the implications of this labyrinth of contradictions are for moving towards a sustainable state. Are these contradictions too profound and thus insurmountable, or does Homo sapiens' apparently innate ability to live with contradiction and logical inconsistency offer a way out?

Not only the direct effects of wars harm the planet. Also devastating can be the covert, indirect and often legitimized, actions of nations in securing their national sovereignty — silent-war actions ranging from secret nuclear installations, storage of chemical and biological weapons, militarized economic policy, biases in development expenditures, and ranging up to ethnocide and genocide. New ways of looking at warfare, national sovereignty, and the environment, take on urgency if only because the relationship between war-proneness, nation-building, and national sovereignty, appears to be an enduring one.

Tropical moist forests are being depleted at an ecobiome-wide rate of c. 2% per year. Certain countries are losing very little forest, while others are losing it at a rate of twice the average, and a few at a rate several times higher. An initial assessment of 14 ‘deforestation fronts’ — being areas that feature the most intensive, widespread, and rapid, deforestation — reveals that they currently feature 43% of all deforestation in 25% of tropical moist forests' expanse.

There is urgent need for additional documentation of these deforestation fronts, and to monitor their evolving status — especially of those that look likely to lose forest cover at ever-more rapid rates. Even more important, the analysis allows us to derive criteria for major foci of deforestation, thus enabling us to anticipate new fronts while they are still emergent. In turn, this affords opportunity for preventive measures in the form of ‘silver bullet’ strategies on the part of conservationists, forestry experts, land-use planners, and policymakers. An early-warning system would go far towards supplying us with a more substantive and methodical understanding of depletive processes overtaking tropical forests.

Within the past few years, interest in climate change has increased dramatically in the face of the many apocalyptic predictions associated with the highly-popularized ‘greenhouse’ effect. Accordingly, scientists have produced many studies based on global, hemispheric, and regional, climatic data-bases. While most of the regional studies have been based on data from North America, Europe, and Australia, little research has been conducted in other areas of the world that have an equal (or greater) economic and climatic stake in the ‘greenhouse’ debate. In this investigation, we analyse the climatic records of the Arabian Gulf area in an attempt to identify recent changes that may or may not be related to any ‘greenhouse’ effects.

The observed climate changes over the past century in the Arabian Gulf area include (a) an increase in temperature of 0.65°C, (b) warming in summer and little or no warming in winter, (c) no warming in the first 60 years of record but accelerated warming in the most recent 40 years, and (d) a small decline in precipitation. In many cases, the results are unlike those found in the analysis of Northern Hemispheric and/or global climate records. However, many of these observed climate changes in the Arabian Gulf area are broadly consistent with 2×CO2 predictions from various numerical climate models. We hope that the analyses presented in this investigation will aid decisionmakers in their difficult policymaking activities.

(Environmental Conservation, Vol. 20, Nr 1, pp. 65–73, Spring 1993)

Table I, p. 69.

(i) In column 4: for 1.2* substitute 0.82*§.

(ii) In penultimate column: substitute 1.48 for 0.148.

(iii) In last column: for 2.5§ substitute 0.85*§.

(iv) Last line should begin: * = published data from Watt (1981);

§ = calculated from PO4 given.

p. 70

In last paragraph of ‘Derived Data…’ substitute 2.5 for 2.9.

This paper outlines the concept of environmental sustain-ability (ES), shows why it is important to make it a top-priority goal, and why that will be difficult to attain but essential. The ES equation of impact = population × affluence × technology, is outlined. When the world approaches stability in both population size and the throughput of energy and materials per unit of production, we may indeed be approaching sustainability. As the world's population is apt to double every 40 years, and as only a few countries (e.g. Japan and Sweden) have managed so far to reduce the energy intensity of production, we are hurtling away from sustainability rather than even approaching it. Environmental sustainability can be approached by implementing four priorities: first, by using sound microeconomic means; second, by using sound macroeconomics to differentiate between use and liquidation of natural capital by means of environmental accounting; third, by using environmental assessment to incorporate environmental costs into project appraisal; and fourth—until the first three become fully achieved—by following operational guidelines for sustainability. Thus:

1) Sound Microeconomic Means involve: (1) Getting the prices right: to reflect full social marginal opportunity cost; use the ‘full cost’ principle, or the ‘cradle-to-grave’ approach. (2) Repealing perverse fiscal incentives. (3) Strengthening the ‘polluter pays’ principles. (4) Including non-monetary values in project justification. (5) Adopting the transparency principle that markets can function efficiently only if relevant information is available at low cost. This involves the participation of people in decisions affecting them, and advertising who is polluting what and by how much.

2) Sound Macroeconomics by Environmental Accounting is essential to discern decapitalization and to shift to using income rather than drawing down capital assets. Environmental accounting clarifies what is liquidation of natural capital from what is income. This is essential because decapitalization is frequently confused as income. Environmental accounting warns us when liquidation of potentially renewable resources exceeds their regeneration rates, such as in many forests.

3) Environmental Assessment is part of the project selection process. The purpose of EA is to ensure that the development options under consideration are environmentally sustainable. Any environmental consequences should be addressed in project selection, planning, siting, and design. EAs identify ways of preventing, minimizing, mitigating, or compensating for, adverse impacts.

4) Sustainability Guidelines: Until the first three rules are heeded and duly acted on, the following guidelines will be necessary: 1, Output Rule:—waste emissions from a project should be within the assimilative capacity of the local environment to absorb without unacceptable de-gradation of its future waste-absorptive capacity; and 2, Input Guide:—harvest rates or renewable resource inputs should be within regenerative capacity of the natural system that generates them. Depletion rates of non-renewable resource inputs should not exceed the rate at which renewable substitutes are developed by human invention and investment.

This study critiques one of the prevailing theories of tropical deforestation, namely that the forest is being cleared because its riches have been overlooked (the purported solution to which is the marketing of ‘rainforest crunch’). Edelman's work on the language of ‘helping’ is drawn on to suggest that a focus on the microeconomics of forest dwellers diverts attention from macro-economic and political issues whose impact on the forest is far more serious.

The study begins with a parable from Kalimantan, relating how the discovery of a big diamond can bring misfortune to a poor miner. It is suggested that this parable applies more generally to resource development in tropical forests, and that the major challenge is not to give more development opportunities to forest peoples but to take fewer away.

This principal is illustrated with respect to gold mining, rattan gathering, and truck-farming, in Indonesia. In each case, when a forest resource acquires greater value in the broader society, it is appropriated by external entrepreneurs at the expense of local communities. A detailed case-study is presented of the development of Para Rubber cultivation. Smallholders currently dominate this cultivation, despite steadfast opposition by both contemporary and colonial governments, whose self-interests are better served by the cultivation of the Rubber on large estates.

Each of these cases illustrates the predisposition of political and economic forces in the broader society to take over successful resource development in the tropical forest. Contemporary efforts to develop ‘non-timber forest products’ are reinterpreted, in this light, as attempts to allocate to the forest dwellers the resources of least interest to the broader society. The absence of research in this area is attributed not to academic oversight but to conflicting political-economic interests.

This thesis of resource exploitation is at variance with the ‘rain-forest crunch’ premise: namely that forest reserves are being overexploited by forest dwellers, that this is due to the absence of other sources of income, and that the solution is to help forest dwellers to find such sources. It is suggested that there has been no lack of such sources in the past, and that the problem has been in maintaining the forest peoples' control of them. The lesson of this analysis is not to ignore minor forest products, but to place them — and their potential development value for indigenous forest peoples — clearly within their proper political-economic context.

Any resolution of the problems of tropical forest development and conservation must begin, not by searching for resources that forest dwellers do not already have, but by first searching for the institutional forces which restrict the forest dwellers' ownership and productive use of existing resources. One of these institutional forces is discourse. It is widely understood that state elites seek to control valuable forest resources; it is less widely understood that an important means to this end is the control of resource-related discourse. De-mystification of the current debate over tropical deforestation and development is thus sorely needed.

Today's polarization of society ‘for’ or ‘against’ big hydro-projects relates to environmental costs, which are borne particularly by vulnerable ethnic minorities and the poor; such costs include species extinctions and tropical deforestation. This counter-productive polarization can be reconciled by transparency and mutuality of planning, by pluralism involving the local populace and especially all affected people, and by engendering national consensus on the best project that is available and practicable.

Park-people interactions in Kosi Tappu Wildlife Reserve, located in the lowlands of Southeastern Nepal, were studied intensively over a two-years' period from 1986 to 1988, through a variety of economic and attitu-dinal surveys. The Reserve had been established for the conservation of wild Water Buffalo and migratory waterfowl, and protects some of the most important wetland habitat in Nepal; it is therefore vital for the conservation of biodiversity on a national and regional level. The results showed that people in the area are dependent on the Reserve for the collection of grasses etc. which they use as building materials, while the Reserve provides fish which are sold cheaply in local markets. Other products, such as fuel-wood, edible and medicinal plants, and seeds, are occasionally collected legally in the Reserve.

Despite the measurable benefits, attitudes about the Reserve are generally poor in the region, at least among local inhabitants who do not understand its main raisons d'être. The best predictors of attitudes were the caste or ethnic group and the literacy rate of the family of the respondent, and not the socio-economic standing of, or the direct cost to, the respondent due to crop damage by wildlife. These results suggest that religious inculcation, societal discrimination, and education, may all play a role in shaping attitudes and therefore influencing park-people relations. Short-term solutions to park-people conflicts should include more education and extension programmes on the part of the Reserve's management, and legal efforts to return at least some control to local villages.

Of the renewable resources of The Biosphere, agricultural land, including its water resources, is very high among the most important, because it is elemental for human and domestic-animal life. The stability and sustained fertility of the soil largely depend on both prevailing soil–climate conditions and on anthropogenic influences.

There are strict limits to the human interference which soil substrates, ground, soil, and surface water, flora, fauna, and microorganisms, can tolerate under moderate, let alone subtropical and tropical, soil–climate conditions. Economic, social, and aesthetic, yield of agricultural resources is limited even where economically and technically optimal use is made of capital and labour. A ‘maximum sustainable yield’ varies as a function of the soil–climate location, the established land-use system, and the technology applied, but only as long as this yield is not exceeded is the enduring availability of the resource ensured.

With the demand for land and energy to produce food and agricultural raw materials rising throughout the world, per caput food production continuing to fall (especially in Africa), and the cultivated area per caput declining worldwide, the urgent question for the long term is how to preserve the natural resources of water, soil, and vegetation cover, and how to arrest desertification, deforestation, salinization, soil degradation, and soil erosion.

These reflections centre on the call for farming systems which are suited to given locations and do no harm to the environment, and also for sustainability of agricultural production—two aspects which have been badly neglected in the past. The necessary simultaneous tasks of developing farming systems and preserving resources, can be tackled only in relation to specific locations and in a conducive development ‘climate’, where appropriate general conditions prevail. As a rule, the microeconomic development options for coping with these tasks can be improved only at a supra-farm and community level, and require new, environmentally oriented national agricultural and rural development policies.

The climatic similarity of desert environments everywhere has engendered parallelism and the evolution of ecological analogues in different regions of the world. This tends to mask the actual diversity of their inhabitants. Although biodiversity may be poor in the desert, at least compared with most other terrestrial ecobiomes, deserts are extremely vulnerable to degradation and therefore deserve as much as, or even more, consideration than many biologically richer habitats.

Of the many forms of above- and below-ground stresses facing urban trees, physical soil limitations are generally among the most persistent and least amenable to amelioration. Soil compaction is a common soil malady that afflicts many planting-sites and causes tree decline. The concept of soil structure in terms of porosity and moisture-suction is reviewed, to provide a basis for the interpretation of compaction as structural degradation. The reorganization of solid and interstitial void constituents, which can result in increased dentity of packing, is related to some fundamental physical and physico-chemical soil properties.

Compaction brings about changes in a wide spectrum of related geometric and other soil attributes, the consequences of which are often inimical to plant growth. Many deliberate and inadvertent actions in urban areas increase packing density, which can be diagnosed through some field and laboratory tests. The harmful effects of compaction is exerted via mechanical impediment and other indirect impacts on root growth. Excessively loose soils and soil crusts are discussed in the light of compaction concepts and in relation to tree growth.

A wide range of measures could be adopted to alleviate the problems of soil compaction. Preventive actions taken before tree planting are preferred to post-planting remedies which are cumbersome, and injurious to roots. Soils at planting sites could be partially improved by various mechanical means to reduce packing density and enhance aggregation. Coarse-textured materials with inherently high strength and resistance to dense packing could provide a stable medium for tree growth. The installation of subsurface aeration and drainage pipes could alleviate the ill-effects of compaction. Care should be taken to avoid structural degradation in stockpiling and construction activities.

Taking the various values ascribed to biodiversity as its point of departure rather many years ago, the present study aims at deriving a conservation strategy for Uttara Kannada. This hilly district, with the highest proportion of its area under forests in South India, is divided into five ecological zones: coastal, northern evergreen, southern evergreen, moist deciduous, and dry deciduous. The heavily-populated coastal zone includes mangrove forests and estuarine wetlands. The evergreen forests are particularly rich in the diversity of plant species which they support — including wild relatives of a number of cultivated plants. They also serve a vital function in watershed conservation. The moist deciduous forests are rich in bird species; both moist and dry deciduous forests include a number of freshwater ponds and lakes that support a high diversity of aquatic birds.

Reviewing the overall distribution of biodiversity, we identify specific localities — including estuaries, evergreen forests, and moist deciduous forests — which should be set aside as Nature reserves. These larger reserves must be complemented by a network of traditionally-protected sacred groves and sacred trees that are distributed throughout the district and that protect today, for instance, the finest surviving stand of dipterocarp trees.

We also spell out the necessary policy-changes in overall development strategy that should stem the ongoing decimation of biodiversity. These include (1) revitalizing community-based systems of sustainable management of village forests and protection of sacred groves and trees; (2) reorienting the usage-pattern of reserve forests from production of a limited variety of timber and softwood species for industrial consumers, to production of a larger diversity of non-wood forest produce of commercial value to support the rural economy; (3) utilizing marginal lands under private ownership for generating industrial wood supplies; and (4) provision of incentives for in situ maintenance of land-races of cultivated plants — especially evergreen, fruit-yielding trees — by the local people.

It is proposed that this broad framework be now taken to the local communities, and that an action-plan be developed on the basis of inputs provided — and initiatives taken — by them.

The decline and subsequent above-replacement plateau in Costa Rican fertility rates illustrates a demographic pattern that is apparent in other developing countries. This paper discusses the complexity of factors that contribute to the fertility plateau in Costa Rica. These contributory factors include the social and economic status of women, socio-economic conditions in general, lack of government commitment to and supply of family planning services relative to demand, deficient sex and family-planning education, and the powerful institutional influence of the Catholic Church.

We then discuss possible strategies, for developing and developed nations alike, to slow and eventually halt the exponential growth of the global human population. For this quintessential need the most important strategies, we suggest, are targeted education for both sexes and provision of comprehensive contraceptive and abortion services.

Interpretation is most effective when its form and content are adapted to the situations in which it will be presented. Although many developed countries have a long and rich tradition of interpretation, the physical, financial, and socio-economic, differences among and within developing nations suggest that this tradition will not always apply there. As our colleagues in developing countries look for interchange and suggestions, the temptation to impose our model—and the difficulty for them to accept it—will be great.

Interpreters in developing countries need to pursue a different model—one which gives relative emphasis to interpretation's role in strategic environmental education for target audiences. Though not altogether excluding the visitor service function that is frequently emphasized in US protected areas, interpretive programmes in many developing countries are often included as just one component of country-wide environmental education master-plans aimed at establishing sustainable development as a national ideology.

Host countries sometimes accept the conventional model too readily, often because the only available training materials are translated from these sources. When application falls short of expectations, in-country interpreters usually blame themselves or conclude that interpretation ‘just isn't for us—rather than questioning the model they have been handed. Universities must also share some of the responsibility for this sorry state of affairs. International students studying at US or European institutions sometimes return home better prepared to work as interpreters in those countries’ protected areas than in those in their own countries. Trainers and teachers, whether working at home or elsewhere, need to do a better job of listening to their students. They need to learn what it is like to be an interpreter in that student's country, and they need to learn what it is like to be part of the audience. Would we accept anything less of our own mentors and interpretive trainers?

Clearly, a superior strategy to exporting our model of interpretation is to assist developing countries in arriving at their own. Over many decades, interpreters in the US and other developed countries have developed a profound knowledge about their craft. Although much of it will not apply everywhere, some of our ideas may have widespread application. The key will be to determine which ones these are. Working with our developed country colleagues, learning with them and through them, we can explore together a range of possibilities that neither of us is able to envision alone. Filtered through our cultures and individual realities, the ideas which have merit will be identified and put to test. Others will be rejected. In the very best scenario, both parties will learn, and sustainable environmental quality will be the result.