Tropical moist forests are being depleted at an ecobiome-wide rate of c. 2% per year. Certain countries are losing very little forest, while others are losing it at a rate of twice the average, and a few at a rate several times higher. An initial assessment of 14 ‘deforestation fronts’ — being areas that feature the most intensive, widespread, and rapid, deforestation — reveals that they currently feature 43% of all deforestation in 25% of tropical moist forests' expanse.

There is urgent need for additional documentation of these deforestation fronts, and to monitor their evolving status — especially of those that look likely to lose forest cover at ever-more rapid rates. Even more important, the analysis allows us to derive criteria for major foci of deforestation, thus enabling us to anticipate new fronts while they are still emergent. In turn, this affords opportunity for preventive measures in the form of ‘silver bullet’ strategies on the part of conservationists, forestry experts, land-use planners, and policymakers. An early-warning system would go far towards supplying us with a more substantive and methodical understanding of depletive processes overtaking tropical forests.

This study critiques one of the prevailing theories of tropical deforestation, namely that the forest is being cleared because its riches have been overlooked (the purported solution to which is the marketing of ‘rainforest crunch’). Edelman's work on the language of ‘helping’ is drawn on to suggest that a focus on the microeconomics of forest dwellers diverts attention from macro-economic and political issues whose impact on the forest is far more serious.

The study begins with a parable from Kalimantan, relating how the discovery of a big diamond can bring misfortune to a poor miner. It is suggested that this parable applies more generally to resource development in tropical forests, and that the major challenge is not to give more development opportunities to forest peoples but to take fewer away.

This principal is illustrated with respect to gold mining, rattan gathering, and truck-farming, in Indonesia. In each case, when a forest resource acquires greater value in the broader society, it is appropriated by external entrepreneurs at the expense of local communities. A detailed case-study is presented of the development of Para Rubber cultivation. Smallholders currently dominate this cultivation, despite steadfast opposition by both contemporary and colonial governments, whose self-interests are better served by the cultivation of the Rubber on large estates.

Each of these cases illustrates the predisposition of political and economic forces in the broader society to take over successful resource development in the tropical forest. Contemporary efforts to develop ‘non-timber forest products’ are reinterpreted, in this light, as attempts to allocate to the forest dwellers the resources of least interest to the broader society. The absence of research in this area is attributed not to academic oversight but to conflicting political-economic interests.

This thesis of resource exploitation is at variance with the ‘rain-forest crunch’ premise: namely that forest reserves are being overexploited by forest dwellers, that this is due to the absence of other sources of income, and that the solution is to help forest dwellers to find such sources. It is suggested that there has been no lack of such sources in the past, and that the problem has been in maintaining the forest peoples' control of them. The lesson of this analysis is not to ignore minor forest products, but to place them — and their potential development value for indigenous forest peoples — clearly within their proper political-economic context.

Any resolution of the problems of tropical forest development and conservation must begin, not by searching for resources that forest dwellers do not already have, but by first searching for the institutional forces which restrict the forest dwellers' ownership and productive use of existing resources. One of these institutional forces is discourse. It is widely understood that state elites seek to control valuable forest resources; it is less widely understood that an important means to this end is the control of resource-related discourse. De-mystification of the current debate over tropical deforestation and development is thus sorely needed.

Park-people interactions in Kosi Tappu Wildlife Reserve, located in the lowlands of Southeastern Nepal, were studied intensively over a two-years' period from 1986 to 1988, through a variety of economic and attitu-dinal surveys. The Reserve had been established for the conservation of wild Water Buffalo and migratory waterfowl, and protects some of the most important wetland habitat in Nepal; it is therefore vital for the conservation of biodiversity on a national and regional level. The results showed that people in the area are dependent on the Reserve for the collection of grasses etc. which they use as building materials, while the Reserve provides fish which are sold cheaply in local markets. Other products, such as fuel-wood, edible and medicinal plants, and seeds, are occasionally collected legally in the Reserve.

Despite the measurable benefits, attitudes about the Reserve are generally poor in the region, at least among local inhabitants who do not understand its main raisons d'être. The best predictors of attitudes were the caste or ethnic group and the literacy rate of the family of the respondent, and not the socio-economic standing of, or the direct cost to, the respondent due to crop damage by wildlife. These results suggest that religious inculcation, societal discrimination, and education, may all play a role in shaping attitudes and therefore influencing park-people relations. Short-term solutions to park-people conflicts should include more education and extension programmes on the part of the Reserve's management, and legal efforts to return at least some control to local villages.

Of the many forms of above- and below-ground stresses facing urban trees, physical soil limitations are generally among the most persistent and least amenable to amelioration. Soil compaction is a common soil malady that afflicts many planting-sites and causes tree decline. The concept of soil structure in terms of porosity and moisture-suction is reviewed, to provide a basis for the interpretation of compaction as structural degradation. The reorganization of solid and interstitial void constituents, which can result in increased dentity of packing, is related to some fundamental physical and physico-chemical soil properties.

Compaction brings about changes in a wide spectrum of related geometric and other soil attributes, the consequences of which are often inimical to plant growth. Many deliberate and inadvertent actions in urban areas increase packing density, which can be diagnosed through some field and laboratory tests. The harmful effects of compaction is exerted via mechanical impediment and other indirect impacts on root growth. Excessively loose soils and soil crusts are discussed in the light of compaction concepts and in relation to tree growth.

A wide range of measures could be adopted to alleviate the problems of soil compaction. Preventive actions taken before tree planting are preferred to post-planting remedies which are cumbersome, and injurious to roots. Soils at planting sites could be partially improved by various mechanical means to reduce packing density and enhance aggregation. Coarse-textured materials with inherently high strength and resistance to dense packing could provide a stable medium for tree growth. The installation of subsurface aeration and drainage pipes could alleviate the ill-effects of compaction. Care should be taken to avoid structural degradation in stockpiling and construction activities.

Forest decline in the tropical zone of the world has provoked an enormous amount of concern but, so far, few if any panaceas. Leaving aside the pervasive impact of clearance for agriculture to focus for the time being exclusively on the role of timber extraction in the moist tropics, it appears that, in present circumstances at least, commercial logging is effectively incompatible with sustainable forest use. For this reason there is a developing interest in the potential which private-sector plantation forestry may have, in these areas, for significantly contributing to both local and export timber needs and so relieving pressure on the remaining area of natural forest. The peculiarly long-term character of investment in trees, and the capital-poor nature of the countries concerned mean, however, that financial incentives will almost certainly be necessary if plantations are to have real consequence.

It is in this context that the recent history of the forest programme in Ireland, the country with the lowest overall proportion of forest cover and the highest percentage of state (as opposed to private) forestry in the EC, may be relevant. Forestry incentives introduced in 1980, and aimed at landowners in the agriculturally disadvantaged western region, were initially ineffective, despite the region's comparative advantages for timber-growing. However, major additions to the level and range of support in the second half of the 1980s, led to an exponential increase in grant-uptake.

The very success of the above scheme in recent years has caused it to be critized for the loss of large areas of bogland which have considerable environmental value but low potential for timber production in any normal investment sense. In addition, plantations in all parts of the region are overwhelmingly coniferous. More generous, country-wide incentives for environmentally desirable broadleafed planting are too new for it to be known what effect they will have on the afforestation of the better land. It seems almost certain, however, that attempts to reconcile productive and environmental aims in private forestryprogrammes inevitably increase their complexity and cost: this has undesirable implications for the possible transfer of such schemes to developing countries in the tropics.

Extending over a year, all the birds that could be detected were counted on two transects which together sampled an area of 1.39 km2. Only 37 species were recorded during 82 surveys. Total bird density during the spring (March–June) was 43.0 birds/km2, and the density for the entire year was 26.7 birds/km2. The characteristic nesting birds were Western Meadowlark, Sage Sparrow, Burrowing Owl, Mourning Dove, Horned Lark, Long-billed Curlew, Lark Sparrow, and Loggerhead Shrike. Western Meadow-larks and Sage Sparrows were the most abundant nesting birds, having an average density of 11.2 and 7.8 birds/km2, respectively. Seasonal distribution of birds varied with species, but most species were present only from March to September.

Sixty-three per cent of the habitat surveyed was dominated by Big Sagebrush, 26% was dominated by Cheatgrass, and the remaining 11% was dominated by Spiny Hopsage. Big Sagebrush habitat supported a greater total bird density than the Cheatgrass or Hopsage habitats. Sage Sparrows were closely associated with Sagebrush habitats, while Western Meadowlarks showed no strong habitat affinities.

Extensive habitat modifications induced by more than a century of agriculture and livestock grazing have greatly depleted native Shrubsteppe habitat in the Columbia Basin. Over the past 40 years, the Hanford Site has served as a refugium for Shrubsteppe habitat that supports populations of native Shrubsteppe birds. The concept of the Hanford Site as a refugium for native Shrubsteppe habitat and Shrubsteppe nesting birds is favourably discussed.

Middens (i.e. persistent ‘dung-heaps’) produced by Rabbits (Oryctolagus cuniculus) on a limestone quarry-spoil bank in the process of reclamation were small areas of enhanced biological activity, initiated and maintained by Rabbits, that were probably beneficial, through recycling of nutrients, to those same Rabbits.

The soil of the middens, at a depth of 0–5 cm, was moister, richer in nutrients, of lower pH, and more humic, than elsewhere on the spoil. It probably owed these characteristics to the Rabbits' urine as well as dung.

Middens were ‘beneficial’ to the pioneer vegetation through the resultant of increased fertility and grazing; sown grasses were stimulated to produce local patches of sward on the spoil. The plants themselves were more intensely green, and richer in nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium, than those in the surrounding area.

Associated with the soil surface of the middens was a rich invertebrate fauna, some members of which must be directly and entirely dependent on the dung. Overall the Rabbits were judged beneficial to the reclamation.