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Redaction Criticism and the Early History of Taoism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 March 2015

Harold D. Roth
Harold D. Roth*
Affiliation:
Department of Religious Studies, Brown University, Box 1927, Providence, RI02912
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Extract

This study employs the critical methodology called “redaction criticism” originally developed in New Testament studies, for the analysis of the relationship between two important but overlooked sources of early Taoist thought: the Kuan Tzu essays entitled Nei-yeh and Hsin-shu, hsia. Although the relationship between these essays has long been the subject of controversy, the author concludes that Hsin-shu, hsia (written ca. 200 B.C.) is a deliberate abridgement, rearrangement, and restatement of Nei-yeh (written ca. 330 B.C.) that demonstrates a different ideological viewpoint.

Whereas Nei-yeh is a collection of twenty-two mostly rhymed stanzas devoted to the practice of guided breathing meditation, its cosmological significance and its physiological, psychological, and spiritual effects, Hsin-shu, hsia is a work of mixed prose and verse that is expressly concerned with the political benefits of such “inner cultivation” practices. In other words, it sees them as techniques for rulership.

This new ideological position is significant. Based upon previous research by the author and on the work of other scholars, the author hypothesizes that there were three distinct, but related, aspects of early Taoism: the Individualist, the Primitivist, and the Syncretist. According to this categorization, Nei-yeh is an Individualist text and Hsin-shu, hsia is Syncretist The deliberate rearrangement and emendation of Nei-yeh by the Hsin-shu, hsia author argues for the position that Syncretist Taoism is a direct descendant of Individualist Taoism — perhaps even its lineal descendant.

״編慕批評״最初從《聖經新約》硏究發展而來.本文運用這一批評方法來分析《管子》中״內業״和״心術下״兩篇文章之間的關係. 這兩篇文章與早期道家思想淵源甚深,但一直未引起人們的重視.它們之間的關係如何也一直是學界爭論的焦點.筆者認爲,作於公元前二百年左右的”心術下״是對作於公元前三百三十年左右的״內業״ 有意識之刪改與重述,以«示不同於前者的思想觀念.

〃內業״篇中的文字計有二十二段，多爲韻文,涉及的主要是氣功與寧思靜念，以及其宇宙意義及在生理，心理,和精神上所產生的作用.

״心術下״則是韻散相間，它所關心的主要是這種׳’內修״的政治效益， 換言之,即把״內修״視爲君人南面之術.

這兩篇文章的不同思想觀點有著深遠的意義.基於我本人與其他專家學者的硏究,我在本文中提出如下假設:早期道家中有三個不同但卻彼此相關的方面，即個人的，原始的，與調和的.根據這種分類， ״內業״偏重於個人方面;״心術下״則偏重於調和方面.״心術下״作者對׳’內業״篇的有意識之刪校改動表明調和性道家思想與個人性道家思想是一脈相承的,甚至可能是直系後裔.

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Articles
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Early China , Volume 19 , 1994 , pp. 1 - 46
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Study of Early China 1994

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Footnotes

*

This article is a revised version of a paper read at the 1994 Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies on a panel entitled, “Textual Criticism and Cultural History.” I wish to thank the panel organizer, Susan Cherniack and the other panel members, William Boltz, Benjamin Elman, and John Henderson, for their insightful comments on the first version of this article. In addition I wish to thank the anonymous reviewers, the journal editor, Sarah Queen, and John Major for their detailed criticisms of the second version of this article. All their thoughtful comments have, in one way or another, found their way into this final version and have helped me sharpen my arguments and clarify my abstruse prose.

References

page 1 note 1. Roth, Harold D., “Text and Edition in Early Chinese Philosophical Literature,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 113:2 (1993), 214–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

page 2 note 2. For excellent and succinct surveys of these approachs, see McKnight, Edgar V., What is Form Criticism? (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1969)Google Scholar, and Perrin, Norman, What is Redaction Criticism? (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1969)Google Scholar.

page 2 note 3. Boltz, William, “The Religious and Philosophical Significance of the ‘Hsiang erh’ Lao Tzu in the Light of the Ma-wang-tui Silk Manuscripts,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 45.1 (1982), 95–117CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Boltz follows redaction criticism implicitly when he discusses the textual variants in the Hsiang Erh 想爾 Lao Tzu that appear to be emendations to fit the particular ideology of the Way of the Celestial Masters (T'ien-shih Tao 天師道) Taoist sect of the second century A.D.

Mair, Victor, Tao Te Ching: The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way (New York: Bantam, 1990), especially pp. 119–30Google Scholar. Mair implicitly follows form and redaction criticism in his demonstrations of the various forms of oral composition in the Lao Tzu and in arguments about later editorial activity found therein.

LaFargue, Michael, The Tao of the Tao Te Ching (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992)Google Scholar and Tao and Method: A Reasoned Approach to the Tao Te Ching (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994)Google Scholar. LaFargue works explicitly with both form and redaction criticism. I wish to thank him for sending me copies of the galleys for several parts of this latter book.

page 2 note 4. LaFargue, , The Tao of the Tao Te Ching, 197Google Scholar.

page 2 note 5. Ibid.

page 2 note 6. Via, Dan O. Jr., “Editor's Foreward” in Perrin, , What is Redaction Criticism?, vi–viiGoogle Scholar. I have changed the original “theological” to “ideological” to generalize the author's point beyond the Christian tradition.

page 3 note 7. I first presented this hypothesis in “Psychology and Self-Cultivation in Early Taoistic Thought,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 51.2 (1991), 599–650CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The contrary hypothesis is found in Kuo Mo-jo 郭沫若,“Sung Hsing Yin Wen i-chu k'ao 宋鮒尹文 著考,״ in Mo-jo, Kuo, Ch'ing-t'ung shih-dai 靑銅時化(Shanghai: Hsin-wen, 1951), 261–65Google Scholar. This characterization oversimplifies Kuo's position, whose details will be presented below.

page 3 note 8. Sivin, Nathan, “On the Word ‘Taoist’ as a Source of Perplexity,” History of Religions 17.3, 4 (1978), 303–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

page 4 note 9. See Roth, “Psychology and Self-Cultivation in Early Taoistic Thought,” and Roth, Harold, “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” in Chinese Texts and Philosophical Contexts: Essays Dedicated to Angus C Graham, ed. Rosemont, Henry Jr., (LaSalle, III.: Open Court Press, 1991), 79–128Google Scholar.

page 4 note 10. Shih-chi 史記(Peking: Chung-hua, 1959), 130.3288–92Google Scholar.

page 4 note 11. For an analysis of Ssu'ma T'an's understanding of what he first called “Taoism,” see Roth, “Psychology and Self-Cultivation in Early Taoistic Thought,” 604–608Google Scholar and Roth, “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” 86–88Google Scholar.

page 4 note 12. Feng, Kuan, “Chuang Tzu wai tsa-p'ien ch'u-t'an” 莊子外雜篇初談诒 Chuang Tzu che-hsüeh t'ao-lun chi莊子哲學討論集(Peking: Chung-hua, 1962), 61–98Google Scholar; Graham, A.C., “How Much of Chuang Tzu Did Chuang Tzu Write?” in Studies in Chinese Philosophy and Philosophical Literature (rpt. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 283–321Google Scholar.

page 4 note 13. Hsiao-kan, Liu, Chuang Tzu che-hsüeh chi ch'i yen-pien 莊子哲學及其演變 (Peking: Chung-Kuo she-hui k'o-hsüeh ch'u-pan-she, 1987), 84Google Scholar.

page 5 note 14. Roth, “Psychology and Self-Cultivation in Early Taoistic Thought.”

page 5 note 15. Roth, , “Psychology and Self-Cultivation in Early Taoistic Thought,” especially the conclusions on 648–50Google Scholar; and Roth, , “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” especially 86-87 and 95–114Google Scholar.

page 7 note 16. Roth, “Psychology and Self-Cultivation in Early Taoistic Thought”; Roth, “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” and Harold Roth, D., “The Inner Cultivation Tradition of Early Taoism,” in Religions of China in Practice, ed. Teiser, Stephen F. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, in press)Google Scholar.

page 7 note 17. The Shih-chi (74.2347) mentions Huang-Lao teachers at the Chi-hsia Academy circa 300 B.C. and further delineates a lineage of Huang-Lao masters (80.2436), but it is difficult to definitively establish that any authored a specific text.

page 7 note 18. Apparently analogous practices and their concomitant results are known, cross-culturally, in many different mystical traditions. For a recent analysis of these practices under the general category of techniques of “forgetting,” see Forman, Robert K.C., “Introduction: Mysticism, Constructivism, and Forgetting,” in The Problem of Pure Consciousness, ed. Forman, Robert K.C. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 3–49Google Scholar.

page 8 note 19. Meng-tzu, 2A2 (the famous passage on the “floodlike vital energy”); Hsün-tzu yin-te 荀子引得, Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinologicai Index Series no. 22 (Peking, Harvard-Yenching Institute, 949), 4/2/5-10, 15-19Google Scholar; Lü-shih ch'un-ch'iu, for example, “The Essential Desires” (ch'ing-yü 情欲), 2.6310, 2.709. For an excellent analysis of the Ma-wang-tui physical hygiene texts, see Harper, Donald, “The Sexual Arts of Ancient China as Described in a Manuscript of the Second Century B.C.,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 47.2 (1987), 539–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

page 8 note 20. It could be argued that analogous practices and results obtain in “mystical” traditions in many different cultures. For a discussion of early Taoist mysticism in light of the comparative study of mystical experience, see Kohn, Livia, Early Chinese Mysticism: Philosophy and Soteriology in the Taoist Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992)Google Scholar, and my review article entitled “Some Issues in the Study of Early Chinese Mysticism,” China Review International 2.1 (Spring, 1995, in press)Google Scholar.

page 8 note 21. Chuang-tzu yin te 40/15/5; Huai-nan Tzu, 7.6a10.

page 9 note 22. Graham, A.C., “The Origins of the Legend of Lao Tan,” in Chinese Texts and Philosophical Contexts, 111–24Google Scholar; Chuang-tzu yin te, 90/33/1. The identification of the author of the Lao Tzu with the figure of Lao Tan, a ritualist senior to Confucius who, in Confucian legend, taught the rites to the master himself, is a brilliant tactic of one-upsmanship that bespeaks the existence of a school developing an identity in contradistinction to its Confucian rivals. This development is further attested by the label of “Tao-shu,” which suggests that the Syncretist author of Chuang Tzu 33 thought of himself and his group as the exclusive preservers of this comprehensive philosophy, of which the other thinkers discussed in this chapter had only one aspect. The full implications of this important chapter for the early history of Taoism have yet to be worked out. One possibility is that this self-identification was known to Ssu-ma T'an and influenced his choice of the term “Tao-chia” for this group.

page 10 note 23. Roth, , “Psychology and Self-Cultivation in Early Taoistic Thought,” 607Google Scholar.

page 10 note 24. Mair, , Tao Te Ching: The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way, 120 ff.Google Scholar; LaFargue, , The Tao of the Tao Te Ching, 196–98Google Scholar.

page 10 note 25. LaFargue, , Tao and Method: A Reasoned Approach to the Tao Te Ching, 181 ffGoogle Scholar. Where I disagree with LaFargue is in his contention that the sayings in “Nei-yeh” and the Lao Tzu are exclusively “experientially evocative” and not “analytically explanatory.” While they are most certainly “experientially evocative,” they also contain attempts to provide analytical explanations of the noetic content of theii experiences of self-transformation. That they are not always consistent speaks of their newness and experimental character, not of their lack of philosophical intent.

page 10 note 26. Donald Harper has discussed the development and nature of such technical literature in the late Warring States and early Han in an insightful article, “Tekhnê in Han Natural Philosophy: Evidence from Ma-wang-tui Medical Manuscripts,” in Sage-hood and Systematizing Thought in Warring States and Han China, ed. by Smith, Kidder Jr. (Brunswick Maine: Bowdoin College Asian Studies Program, 1990), 33–45Google Scholar.

page 11 note 27. Rickett, Allyn, Guanzi: Political, Economic, and Philosophical Essays from Early China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 15Google Scholar.

page 11 note 28. Graham, A.C., Disputers of the Tao (LaSalle, Ill: Open Court Press, 1989), 95–100Google Scholar.

page 11 note 29. Rickett, Allyn, “Four Daoist Chapters of the Guanzi: The Origins of the So-called Si shu Chapters,” manuscript 9–15Google Scholar. Similar material is also found in relevant sections from the second volume of Rickett's Guanzi translation kindly sent to me in manuscript form by Professor Rickett. I wish to thank him for sending me these two manuscripts, both of which were very helpful in the preparation of this article.

page 12 note 30. Redaction criticism suggests that the small amount of prose material is the creation of the composer of the original written text or, in at least two instances where there is a radical intellectual shift (my VI.4 and XX), the interpolations of a later editor.

page 12 note 31. Riegel, Jeffrey, “The Four Tzu Ssu' Chapters of the Li Chi” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1978), 143–69Google Scholar. In an appendix to this work, Riegel presents a critical text of “Nei-yeh” based on the manuscript of Gustav Haloun, given to him by Denis Twitchett. This critical text is divided into eighteen stanzas, of which four are further subdivided, thus yielding a total of twenty-two. However, the twenty-two stanzas of this critical text differ somewhat from my own arrangement.

page 12 note 32. Rickett, “Four Daoist Chapters of the Guanzi: The Origins of the So-called Si shu Chapters, 29-45, divides the text into fifteen sections. Within these he finds an additional eighteen subsections, thus totalling thirty-three distinct stanzas.

page 12 note 33. This is the conclusion of LaFargue, , Tao and Method: A Reasoned Approach to the Tao Te Ching, 187Google Scholar.

page 12 note 34. For passages elucidating these themes in both the core and the explanatory sections of “Hsin-shu, shang,” see, for example, Kuan Tzu (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an ed.), 13.1a10 and 2b5 1b2 and 3a2, 1b7 and 3b2, and 2a3 and 4a3. All textual references to the Kuan Tzu in this article are to this edition.

page 13 note 35. The locus classicus of this distinctive metaphor is in the following lines: “Nei-yeh,” 16.2b10:

敬除其舍

Reverently clean out its abode

(神之）精將自來.

And the vital essence of the numen will come on its own.

Compare this with “Hsin-shu, shang,” 13.1a11:

虛其欲，

If you become empty of desires

神將入舍。

Then the numen will enter its abode.

掃除不絜

But if your sweeping clean is not pure,

神<乃> 「不」留處。

The numen will not remain there.

See also the explanatory section on this passage at 13.2b8 and another reference to this metaphor at 13.1b8, with explanation at 13.3b8.

page 13 note 36. Roth, , “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” 91-92, 96–98Google Scholar.

page 14 note 37. Mo-jo, Kuo, ”Sung Hsing Yin Wen i-chu k'ao,” 261–65Google Scholar. See also Hsü Wei-yü許維通, , Wen I-to聞一多， and Mo-jo, KuoKuan Tzu chi-chiao 官子集校(Peking: Chung-hua shu chü, 1955), 658Google Scholar.

page 14 note 38. Rickett, , ”Four Daoist Chapters of the Guanzi: The Origins of the So-called Si shu Chapters,” 19–22Google Scholar.

page 14 note 39. I first presented this hypothesis in Roth, , ”Psychology and Self-Cultivation in Early Taoistic Thought,” 627–28Google Scholar.

page 14 note 40. Karlgren, Bernhard, The Authenticity and Nature of the Tso Chuan (Göteborg: Elanders Boktryckeri Aktrebolag), 1926Google Scholar.

page 15 note 41. 16.4a10 contains two examples of mo jo莫若(“there is nothing like/as good as”), which disrupt a pattern of four-character phrases. 16,4b6 contains five similar examples in an unrhymed passage presenting a Confucian interpretation of how to curb the emotions. Because both disrupt regular patterns and the latter introduces an ideology foreign to the rest of the text, I consider them likely interpolations. Such disruptions of patterns are characteristic signs of interpolation according to redaction criticism. For further details on 16.4b6, see Appendix, n. 25.

page 15 note 42. The sole exception, at 13.6al in “Hsin-shu, hsia,” is so unusual as to suggest an emendation. For Karlgren (37-38), the virtually exclusive use of ju for “like” is a characteristic of the language of the Tso chuan.

page 15 note 43. Karlgren, , The Authenticity and Nature of the Tso Chuan, 39–40Google Scholar, maintains that the preposition hu is virtually absent from the Tso chuan dialect.

page 15 note 44. For a summary and final resolution of the debate on the nature of wu4 between Edward Pulleyblank and A.C. Graham, see Pulleyblank, “Some Notes on Morphology and Syntax in Classical Chinese,” in Chinese Texts and Philosophical Contexts, 34–41Google Scholar. For Graham's reply see “Reflections and Replies” in the same volume, 272-73.

page 15 note 45. Examples of these negatives are found at “Hsin-shu, hsia”: 13.4b5,6, for pu; 5a3,4y for wu2毋；4bl2 for wu2無. Dobson, W.A.C.H., A Dictionary of Chinese Particles (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972), 100-101, 790–92Google Scholar, states that a feature of the Han literary language is this blurring of the previously distinct differences among all negatives except wu2 無 and pu. He calls this “blunted usage.”

page 15 note 46. Karlgren, , The Authenticity and Nature of the Tso Chuan, 40–41Google Scholar, notes this yü 與as a Lu characteristic, but only as a conjunction between nouns. He is silent on it as a prenominal preposition.

page 16 note 47. Both occurrences of che in “Hsin-shu, shang” are at 13.1a12. Two of the occurrences of che in “Nei-yeh” are found at 16.2a11, and the other two are at 16.3a4-5.

page 16 note 48. Rickett, , “Four Daoist Chapters of the Guanzi: The Origins of the So-called Si shu Chapters,” 16–17Google Scholar.

page 17 note 49. I have used the Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an edition of the Kuan Tzu as the basis for these tables and for my new arrangement of “Hsin-shu, hsia” showing its “Nei-yeh” paral-Iels. In the Appendix to the present article, “Hsin-shu, hsia” is complete and presented in the same order in which it occurs in all extant editions. The principle difference between them and my own arrangement is that I have divided the text into seven sections. The “Nei-yeh” parallels to “Hsin-shu, hsia” presented in the Appendix constitute about one-third of the text of “Nei-yeh.” I will often refer to sections of these two texts according to my own arrangement in the Appendix. All other references to them are to the Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an edition.

page 20 note 50. Rickett, , “Four Daoist Chapters of the Guanzi: The Origins of the So-called Si shu Chapters,” 20–21Google Scholar.

page 20 note 51. For details, see the Appendix to this article.

page 21 note 52. The term “redaction strategy” is my own. It is suggested by the research on redaction criticism by New Testament scholars, but I am not aware of a source that has abstracted these strategies from the concrete results of this general methodology. Much of this research is very highly focused on the New Testament Gospels and makes no attempt to establish general principles that could be applied to texts of other traditions, as I am doing here.

page 21 note 53. All textual references in the following section are to the Chinese texts of Hsin-shu, hsia and Nei-yeh included in the Appendix.

page 22 note 54. Roth, , “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” especially 86-87, 92, 96–98Google Scholar.

page 22 note 55. Chuang-tzu yin te, 91/33/14.

page 23 note 56. For explanations of the emendations to the Chinese texts included in the main body of the article, please see the introduction to the Appendix.

page 32 note 57. Roth, , “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” 108–109Google Scholar.

page 32 note 58. Creel, H.G., “The Meaning of 刑名Hsing-ming,” in What is Taoism? And Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 79–91Google Scholar.

page 32 note 59. In the Ching-fa, see, for example, the arguments in “Tao-fa”道法；Ma-wang-tui Han-mu po-shu王堆漢墓帛書 vol.1 (Peking: Wen-wu ch'u-pan-she, 1980) 43.5-8Google Scholar. For Chuang Tzu, see, for example, Chuang-tzu yin te 34/13/33. For “Hsin-shu, shang,” see Ssu-pu tsung-k'an edition, 13.1M2 and 3b9.

page 34 note 60. Roth, , “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” 95–99Google Scholar.

page 35 note 61. Harper, “Tekhnê in Han Natural Philosophy: Evidence From Ma-wang-tui Medical Manuscripts,” 33–37Google Scholar.

page 35 note 62. Keegan, David, “The ‘Huang-ti nei-ching’; The Structure of the Compilation and the Significance of the Structure,” (Ph.D. dissertation: University of California, Berkeley, 1988)Google Scholar.

page 36 note 63. Keegan, , “The Huang-ti nei-ching,” 219–33, especially, 226-28 for Ts'eng's memorial from the Shih-chiGoogle Scholar.

page 36 note 64. Keegan, , “The ‘Huang-ti nei-ching,’” 231Google Scholar.

page 37 note 65. Graham, , Disputers of the Tao, 100Google Scholar.

page 39 note 1. I consider this a gloss inserted into the text by an unknown commentator, or possibly a conjectural reconstruction of a damaged original, erroneously transmitted as part of the text. Riegel, “The Four ‘Tzu Ssu’ Chapters of the Li Chi” 158, follows Haloun in deleting this clause for disrupting the rhyme pattern. Furthermore, it represents an intrusion of Confucian concepts into a text that is, with one very suspicious exception, totally devoid of them. For the exception, see below, n. 25. Finally, the text makes perfect sense without this clause.

page 39 note 2. Riegel, , “The Four ‘Tzu Ssu’ Chapters of the Li Chi,” 158Google Scholar, follows Haloun in emending chih至 to lai來 to preserve the rhyme (德 tәk; 至 tjier; 來lәy) and because of the parallel in “Hsin-shu, hsia,” I.B.l. The archaic Chinese pronunciations are taken from Chou Fa-kao周法, , Han-tzu ku-chin yin-hui 漢字古今音窠 (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1973)Google Scholar.

page 39 note 3. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 787. Textual contamination from line DC.6; also i義is absent from the Yin commentary (Wang Nien-sun王念孫).

page 39 note 4. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 651. Contamination from explanatory sections of “Hsin-shu, shang” (Tao Hung-ch'ing陶鴻慶).

page 39 note 5. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 652. Similar-form corruption. Emendation from parallel use of shen in next line (Kuo Mo-jo).

page 40 note 6. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 652. Phonetic loan (Liu Chi).

page 40 note 7. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 652. Semantic emendation (Kuo Mo-jo).

page 40 note 8. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 652. Similar-form corruption from the common form of zheng EE (Hsü and Kuo).

page 40 note 9. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 790. Similar-form corruption restored from Liu Chi and Chu Tung-kuang editions (Kuo Mo-jo). The same emendation occurs in line 14.

page 40 note 10. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 791. Graphic inversion, emended to preserve the rhyme with i — •jiet (吉kjiet)(Wang Nien-sun). Also paralleled in “Hsin-shu, hsia,” III.B.3.

page 41 note 11. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 653. Similar-form corruption in lines 1 and 3 (Kuo Mo-jo).

page 41 note 12. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 786. Similar-form corruption, restored based on semantic context: “This is what I mean (by ‘When a regulated mind lies within’).” This is the understanding of the Yin commentary, which says,治心之謂(This is the meaning of a ‘regulated mind’) (Wang Nien-sun).

page 42 note 13. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 654. Similar-form corruption; semantic restoration (Kuo Mojo).

page 42 note 14. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 654. Similar-form corruption. The bronze-inscription form of ssu司closely resembles the standard clerical script (li-shu隸書)form of lüan. Erh而is a phonetic loan for neng fg. The characters jen suo人所are restored to their proper order through a semantic emendation (Kuo Mo-jo).

page 42 note 15. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 785. Textual contamination from Yin commentary. Deleting an安preserves the parallel structure of the first three sentences (Hsü Wai-yü).

page 42 note 16. Riegel, , “The Four ‘Tzu Ssu’ Chapters of the Li Chi,” 156Google Scholar; Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 785. Emendation to preserve rhyme: ts'ai ft (dzәy), shih (djiәy), mou (mjwәy). Wang Nien-sun further supports this emendation with analogous passages from other essays in the Kuan Tzu and other early works.

page 42 note 17. Kuan Tzu chiao, 785-86. Emendation based upon the Yin commentary that preserves the parallel structure with the previous line (Hsü Wai-yü).

page 43 note 18. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 655. The two characters are homophones, with the latter reading, meaning ‘elastic,’ preferred to the former, meaning “tough, hard”, based on semantic context and “Nei-yeh” parallel (Li Che-ming李哲明).

page 43 note 19. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 789. Hsin信is an archaic form of shen伸(Tai Wang戴望).

page 43 note 20. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 656. Similar-form corruption restored from “Nei-yeh” parallel (Liu Chi and others). Also found in line 11.

page 43 note 21. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 790. Similar-form corruption restored from “Hsin-shu, hsia” VI.B.4 (Liu Chi and Wang Nien-sun).

page 44 note 22. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 657. Similar-form corruption restored from semantic context (reward/punishment contrast) and “Nei-yeh” parallel. Also found in line 3 (Yü Yüeh俞樾).

page 44 note 23. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 790. Similar-form corruption restored to preserve rhyme: wu 惡(•ak); ku鼓(kway); mu母(may) (Kuo Mo-jo). This emendation also agrees with the variant in the parallel line from “Hsin-shu, hsia” (VI.D.2).

page 44 note 24. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 657. Similar-form corruption restored from all other editions (Kuo Mo-jo).

page 44 note 25. Riegel, , “The Four ‘Tzu Ssu’ Chapters of the Li Chi,” 167Google Scholar. Similar-form corruption (“graphic error” in Riegel's terminology). Riegel supplies no justification for this emendation, but undoubtedly the parallel line in Hsin-shu, hsia (VII.A.4), which contains the character lo 樂should be a factor. Furthermore, huan患is not usually listed in typical arrangements of the four emotions. Another factor could be the appearance of lo 樂in line 8.

I am very suspicious of the originality of most or all of the remainder of this passage, lines 5-12. To begin with, lines 6-8 do not rhyme. Second, lines 6-10 contain virtually the only use of jo若in the text (for the other, see n. 31). Third, lines 5-12 contain one of the only two instances of Confucian technical terms in the entire text. Finally, these lines are introduced by the connective conjunction, shih ku (therefore), often an indicator of editorial comment according to the principles of redaction criticism. I sus-pect, therefore, that most or all of these lines represent material added to the original text of “Nei-yeh.” The identity of this commentator remains a subject for speculation that is beyond the parameters of the present study.

page 45 note 26. Similar-form corruption restored from semantic context.

page 45 note 27. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 658, 788. Kuo Mo-jo accepts Wang Nien-sun's emendation of yin音to yi意(similar-form corruption). He emends yen言to yin音to preserve the rhyme with hsin: yen言(ngjan); hsin心(siәm); yin音(•iәm). Semantic context is a further unstated determinant of these emendations.

page 45 note 28. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 658, 788. Emendation preserves the rhyme between hsing and ming:形(geng);名(mjieng) (Kuo Mo-jo). This also applies to the next line (ΧΠ.19), where Kuo Mo-jo further states that shih使and shih were interchangeable at this period.

page 46 note 29. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 658. Similar-form corruption restored from the variant in the Liu Chu and Chao editions (Kuo Mo-jo).

page 46 note 30. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 658. The first emendation: Similar-form corruption restored from the Yin commentary that accompanies the text in most extant editions. The second emendation: Similar-form corruption restored based on semantic context (Wang Niensun).

page 46 note 31. Kuan Tzu chi-chiao, 789. Similar-form corruption emended to preserve the rhyme between chieh 竭 (giat) and ta 達 (dat) (Wang Nien-sun).