In the European society of the Ancien Régime lifestyle was an effective pointer to the social class to which a family and its members belonged. Social hierarchies were reflected in patterns of consumption: the upper classes had a definite need for ostentation, since lavish spending made their position at the top of the social scale manifest. Clothing had a decisive function in this connection: clothes were undoubtedly the most visible marks of high living, embodying a whole series of status signals – the quality of the cloth, the richness of the accessories, the colours – clearly identifying the social rank of the wearer. Yet a number of recent studies on pre-industrial consumerism have shown that in England – chiefly, but not alone among European societies – a taste and feeling for consumer goods caught on among other social classes besides the upper. It follows that the correspondence between clothing – or more broadly, a consumer pattern – on the one hand, and rank, on the other, is not something one can apply mechanically. The web of connections between dress and social hierarchy in early modern Europe was highly complex and varied, as the ensuing remarks briefly suggest.

Clothing was paramount in early modern Europe. It accounted for a significant proportion of household expenditure at many different levels of society, and attracted much comment. Just as contemporaries described, often in minute detail, the garments worn by their compatriots, so foreign visitors to cities and courts devoted considerable attention to the appearance of the people they encountered. Such close observation was motivated by a serious purpose since clothing was thought to offer a kind of window on individuals and societies alike. The instructive qualities attributed to clothing may help to explain why so many costume books were printed during the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; they also shed light on the inclusion of exotic garments in the collections of curiosities which similarly characterize the period.

Fashion, like luxury, has been largely conceived in terms of the elite experience. Indeed, the European fashion cycle was noted first among the aristocracy where the fashion system celebrated novelty over tradition, highlighting the individual aesthetic even as it consolidated the group identity of exquisitely garbed nobles. The counterpoints to the mutability of style were the legal constraints designed to curb the fashion impulse, bridling the sartorial ambitions of non-elites. Sumptuary legislation aimed to enforce luxury codes. The right to extravagant inessentials, which distinguished those of noble blood, was forbidden to lesser beings; however, fashion was a contested concept whose influence permeated first the middling and then even the labouring ranks. In this article I will examine the competing forces at work within England as the dress of the common people was transformed over the long eighteenth century. Although sumptuary legislation came to an end in England in 1604, government and moralists continued to claim the right to restrain material expression within the lower ranks, but without success. I will assess the challenge to a unitary hegemonic elite fashion, and explore the creation and significance of the multiple expressions in dress within the varied social ranks of England.

On 8 Brumaire, year II (29 October 1793), the Convention decreed that freedom of dress was a basic human right: ‘Everyone is free to wear whatever clothing and accessories of his sex that he finds pleasing.’ This was an odd decree in many ways. It decreed as a right something we take for granted, the freedom to wear what we choose, and it was passed during the Terror, when individual rights were routinely curtailed. It also contradicted itself, for if its first article guaranteed freedom of dress, its second stated that all previous laws on dress remained in force, and these included one which impinged on individual freedom: the requirement that all French citizens wear a red, white and blue cockade in public.

In his article ‘Premarital sexual permissiveness and illegitimacy in the Nordic Countries’, Richard F. Tomasson discusses high illegitimacy rates in preindustrial Iceland. He points out that during the nineteenth century children born out of wedlock were proportionally more numerous in Iceland than in other European countries. In Tomasson's view high illegitimacy rates in Iceland were due to liberal attitudes towards premarital sex – attitudes that were deeply rooted in traditional Nordic society. In his words, ‘The Ancient Scandinavians accorded women higher status, and along with this went liberal attitudes toward premarital sex relations, illegitimacy, and divorce. Such attitudes often appear to be a concomitant of a high degree of equality between the sexes.’