Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-8bhkd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-19T16:22:18.278Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

“We are all republicans”: Political Articulation and the Production of Nationhood in France's Face Veil Debate

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 October 2018

Emily Laxer*
Affiliation:
Sociology, York University

Abstract

In July 2010, following a year-long nationwide debate over Islamic veiling, the French government passed a law prohibiting facial coverings in all public spaces. Prior research attributes this and other restrictive laws to France's republican secular tradition. This article takes a different approach. Building on literature that sees electoral politics as a site for articulating, rather than merely reflecting, social identities, I argue that the 2010 ban arose in significant part out of political parties’ struggles to demarcate the boundaries of legitimate politics in the face of an ultra-right electoral threat. Specifically, I show that in seeking to prevent the ultra-right National Front party from monopolizing the religious signs issue, France's major right and left parties agreed to portray republicanism as requiring the exclusion of face veiling from public space. Because it was forged in conflict, however, the consensus thus generated is highly fractured and unstable. It conceals ongoing conflict, both between and within political parties, over the precise meaning(s) of French republican nationhood. The findings thus underscore the relationship between boundary-drawing in the political sphere and the process of demarcating the cultural and political boundaries of nationhood in contexts of immigrant diversity.

Type
Religious Others and the French Republic
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

REFERENCES

André Gerin, Parti Communiste, 11 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Jacques Myard, UMP, 11 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Georges Mothron, UMP, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Nicole Ameline, UMP, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Jean Glavany, PS, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Christian Bataille, PS, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Danièle Hoffman-Rispal, PS, 28 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Sandrine Mazetier, PS, 25 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
François de Rugy, Parti Vert, 18 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Annie Sugier, Ligue du droit international des femmes, 27 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Michèle Vianès, Regards de femmes, 30 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Ismahane Chouder, Collectif des feminists pour l’égalité, 23 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Martine Cerf, Egalité Laïcité Europe, 28 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Pascal Hilout, Riposte Laique, 25 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Jean-Pierre Dubois, Ligue des droits de l'homme, 10 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Marc Blondel and Christian Eyschen, Fédération nationale de la libre pensée, 22 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Remy Schwartz, Conseil d'Etat, 3 Oct. 2012Google Scholar
Jean Baubérot, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 20 Sept. 2012Google Scholar
Alain Seksig, Inspector General of National Education, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Nicolas Cadène, Socialist MP and Secretary of the Observatoire de la laïcité, 15 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Patrick Weil, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 23 Nov. 2013Google Scholar
Christine Delphy, feminist scholar, 15 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Naima Bouteldja, author of 2011 Open Society report on veiled women in France, 9 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Eric Thiers, advisor and division chief, Division du secrétariat de la Commission des lois constitutionnelles, de la legislation et de l'administration générale de la République, 19 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Pierre Tévanian, Une école pour tous et toutes, 16 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Ndella Paye, Anissa Fathi, and H. Youssra, Mamans toutes égales, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Alba, R. 2005. Bright vs. Blurred Boundaries: Second Generation Assimilation and Exclusion in France, Germany, and the United States. Ethnic and Racial Studies 28, 1: 2049.Google Scholar
Al-Saji, A. 2010. The Racialization of Muslim Veils: A Philosophical Analysis. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36, 8: 875902.Google Scholar
Amiraux, V. 2008. De l'Empire à la République: à propos de l’“Islam de France.” Cahiers de Recherche Sociologique 46: 4560.Google Scholar
Amiraux, V. and Simon, P.. 2006. There Are no Minorities Here: Cultures of Scholarship and Public Debate on Immigrants and Integration in France. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 47, 3–4, 191215.Google Scholar
Assemblée Nationale. 2010a. Proposition de loi interdisant le port de tenues ou d'accessoires ayant pour effet de dissimuler le visage dans les lieux ouverts au public et sur la voie publique, Pub. L. no. 2283.Google Scholar
Assemblée Nationale. 2010b. Scrutin public sur l'ensemble du projet de loi interdisant la dissimulation du visage dan's l'espace public. 13 July. At: http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/13/scrutins/jo0595.asp (accessed 28 May 2018).Google Scholar
Bale, T., Green-Pedersen, C., Krouwel, A., Luther, K. R., and Sitter, N.. 2010. If You Can't Beat Them, Join Them? Explaining Social Democratic Responses to the Challenge from the Populist Radical Right in Western Europe. Political Studies 58: 410–26.Google Scholar
Berezin, M. 2009. Illiberal Politics in Neoliberal Times: Culture, Security and Populism in the New Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Blais, A. and Loewen, P. J.. 2009. The French Electoral System and Its Effects. West European Politics 32, 2: 345–59.Google Scholar
Bohman, A. 2011. Articulated Antipathies: Political Influence on Anti-Immigrant Attitudes. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 52, 6: 457–77.Google Scholar
Bornschier, S. and Lachat, R.. 2009. The Evolution of the French Political Space and Party System. West European Politics 32, 2: 360–83.Google Scholar
Bowen, J. 2007a. A View from France on the Internal Complexity of National Models. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33, 6: 1003–16.Google Scholar
Bowen, J. 2007b. Why the French Don't Like Headscarves. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Brechon, P., and Mitra, S. K.. 1992. The National Front in France: The Emergence of an Extreme Right Protest Movement. Comparative Politics 25, 1: 6382.Google Scholar
Brubaker, R. 1992. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Brubaker, R. and Cooper, F.. 2000. Beyond Identity. Theory and Society 29: 147.Google Scholar
Bussi, M. and Fourquet, J.. 2007. Election présidentielle 2007: Neuf cartes pour comprendre. Presses de Sciences Po 3, 57: 411–28.Google Scholar
Cole, A. 2002. A Strange Affair: The 2002 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in France. Government and Opposition 37, 3: 317–42.Google Scholar
de Leon, C., Desai, M., and Tugal, C.. 2009. Political Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey. Sociological Theory 27, 3: 193219.Google Scholar
de Leon, C., Desai, M., and Tugal, C.. 2015. Introduction—Political Articulation: The Structured Creativity of Parties. In de Leon, C., Desai, M. and Tugal, C., eds., Building Blocs: How Parties Organize Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Eidlin, B. 2016. Why Is There No Labor Party in the United States? Political Articulation and the Canadian Comparison, 1932 to 1948. American Sociological Review 81, 3: 488516.Google Scholar
Favell, A. 1998. Philosophies of Integration: Immigration and the Idea of Citizenship in France and Britain. New York: Palgrave.Google Scholar
Gerin, A. 2010. Rapport d'Information: Au Nom de la Misson d'Information sur la Pratique du Port du Voile Intégral sur le Territoire National (no. 2262). Assemblée Nationale.Google Scholar
Geva, D. 2014. Marine Le Pen, Parité, and Right Wing Populism. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Social Science History Association, Toronto.Google Scholar
Giry, S. 2006. France and Its Muslims. Foreign Affairs 85, 5: 87104.Google Scholar
Glavany, J. 2011. La laicité: un combat pour la paix. Paris: Heloise d'Ormesson.Google Scholar
Haegel, F. 2004. The Transformation of the French Right: Institutional Imperatives and Organizational Changes. French Politics 2: 185202.Google Scholar
Hagelund, A. 2003. A Matter of Decency? The Progress Party in Norwegian Immigration Politics. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 29, 1: 4765.Google Scholar
Hajjat, A. and Mohammed, M.. 2013. Islamophobie: comment les élites francaises fabriquent le “problème musulman.” Paris: La Découverte.Google Scholar
Hargreaves, A. C. 1991. The Political Mobilization of the North African Immigrant Community in France. Ethnic and Racial Studies 14, 3: 350–67.Google Scholar
Hollifield, J. F. 1994. Immigration and Republicanism in France: The Hidden Consensus. In Cornelius, W. A., Martin, P. L., and Hollifield, J. F., eds., Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Jarassé, J. 2010. Nicolas Sarkozy défend le projet de loi sur la burqa. Le Figaro, 19 May. Retrieved from http://www.lefigaro.fr/politique/2010/05/19/01002-20100519ARTFIG00397-nicolas-sarkozy-defend-le-projet-de-loi-sur-la-burqa.php.Google Scholar
Kawar, L. 2012. Juridical Framings of Immigrants in the United States and France: Courts, Social Movements, and Symbolic Politics. International Migration Review 46, 2: 414–55.Google Scholar
Kern, S. 2012. Muslim Voters Change Europe. Gatestone Institute: International Policy Council. At: https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/3064/muslim-voters-europe (accessed 28 May 2018).Google Scholar
Kitschelt, H. 1995. The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Korteweg, A. C. and Yurdakul, G.. 2014. The Headscarf Debates: Conflicts of National Belonging. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Laborde, C. 2002. On Republican Toleration. Constellations 9, 2: 167–83.Google Scholar
Ladrech, R. 1989. Social Movements and Party Systems: The French Socialist Party and New Social Movements. West European Politics 12, 3: 262–79.Google Scholar
Lamont, M. and Molnar, V.. 2002. The Study of Boundaries in the Social Sciences. Annual Review of Sociology 28: 167–95.Google Scholar
Lefebvre, E. L. 2003. Republicanism and Universalism: Factors of Inclusion and Exclusion in the French Concept of Citizenship. Citizenship Studies 7, 1: 1536.Google Scholar
Mayer, N. 2007. Comment Nicolas Sarkozy a rétréci l'électorat Le Pen. Presses de Sciences Po 3, 57: 429–45.Google Scholar
Mudde, C. 2013. The 2012 Stein Rokkan Lecture: Three Decades of Populist Radical Right Parties in Western Europe. So What? European Journal of Political Research 52: 119.Google Scholar
Myrdal, G. 1944. An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy. New York: Harper & Brothers.Google Scholar
Noiriel, G. 2007. A quoi sert “l'identité nationale.” Marseille: Agone.Google Scholar
Pakulski, J. and Waters, M.. 1996. The Reshaping and Dissolution of Social Class in Advanced Society. Theory and Society 25: 667–91.Google Scholar
Pena-Ruiz, H. 2001. La laïcité pour l’égalité. Paris: Mille et une nuits.Google Scholar
Perrineau, P. and Ysmal, C.. 2003. Introduction. In Perrineau, P. and Ysmal, C., eds., Le vote de tous les refus: Les élections présidentielle et législatives de 2002. Paris: Presses de Sciences Po.Google Scholar
Reynié, D. 2011. Le tournant ethno-socialiste du Front National. Etudes 11, 415: 463–72.Google Scholar
Rovny, J., and Edwards, E. E.. 2012. Struggle over Dimensionality: Party Competition in Western and Eastern Europe. East European Politics and Societies 26, 1: 5674.Google Scholar
Schneider, H. 2004. Branding in Politics—Manifestations, Relevance and Identity-Oriented Management. Journal of Political Marketing 3, 3: 4167.Google Scholar
Silverman, M. 2007. The French Republic Unveiled. Ethnic and Racial Studies 30, 4: 628–42.Google Scholar
Simon, P. and Tiberj, V.. 2010. Religion. In Beauchemin, C., Hamelle, C., and Simon, P., eds., Trajectories and Origins: Survey on Population Diversity in France: Initial Findings. Paris: Institut national d'études démographiques (INED).Google Scholar
Soper, J. C. and Fetzer, J. S.. 2007. Religious Institutions, Church-State History and Muslim Mobilisation in Britain, France and Germany. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33, 6: 933–44.Google Scholar
Strudel, S. 2007. L'électorat de Nicolas Sarkozy: “Rupture tranquille” ou syncrétisme tourmenté? Presses de Sciences Po 3, 57: 459–74.Google Scholar
Thomas, E. 2006. Keeping Identity at a Distance: Explaining France's New Legal Restrictions on the Islamic Headscarf. Ethnic and Racial Studies 29, 2: 237–59.Google Scholar
Tiberj, V. 2013. Values and the Votes from Mitterand to Hollande: The Rise of the Two-Axis Politics. Parliamentary Affairs 66: 6986.Google Scholar
Triadafilopoulos, T. and Zaslove, A.. 2006. Influencing Migration Policy from Inside: Political Parties. In Giugni, M. and Passy, F., eds., Dialogues on Migration Policy. Lanham: Lexington Books.Google Scholar
Valls, M. 2013. Déclaration de Manuel Valls, ministre de l'intérieur, en réponse à une question sur l'application de la lois du 11 octobre 2010 concernant le port du voile intégral, à l'Assemblée Nationale le 23 juillet. Ministère de l'intérieur. At: http://discours.vie-publique.fr/notices/133001805.html (accessed 28 May 2018).Google Scholar
Verdery, K. 1993. Whither “Nation” and “Nationalism”? Deadalus 122, 3: 3746.Google Scholar
Wieviorka, M. 2013. The National Front—Caught between Extremism, Populism and Democracy. In Fieschi, C., Morris, M., and Caballero, L., eds., Populist Fantasies: European Revolts in Context. London: Counterpoint.Google Scholar
Wiles, E. 2007. Headscarves, Human Rights, and Harmonious Multicultural Society: Implications of the French Ban for Interpretations of Equality. Law & Society Review 41, 3: 699735.Google Scholar
Zubrzycki, G. 2001. “We, the Polish Nation”: Ethnic and Civic Visions of Nationhood in Post-Communist Constitutional Debates. Theory and Society 30, 5: 629–68.Google Scholar
Zubrzycki, G. 2016. Beheading the Saint: Nationalism, Religion, and Secularism in Quebec. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
André Gerin, Parti Communiste, 11 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Jacques Myard, UMP, 11 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Georges Mothron, UMP, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Nicole Ameline, UMP, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Jean Glavany, PS, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Christian Bataille, PS, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Danièle Hoffman-Rispal, PS, 28 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Sandrine Mazetier, PS, 25 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
François de Rugy, Parti Vert, 18 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Annie Sugier, Ligue du droit international des femmes, 27 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Michèle Vianès, Regards de femmes, 30 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Ismahane Chouder, Collectif des feminists pour l’égalité, 23 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Martine Cerf, Egalité Laïcité Europe, 28 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Pascal Hilout, Riposte Laique, 25 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Jean-Pierre Dubois, Ligue des droits de l'homme, 10 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Marc Blondel and Christian Eyschen, Fédération nationale de la libre pensée, 22 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Remy Schwartz, Conseil d'Etat, 3 Oct. 2012Google Scholar
Jean Baubérot, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 20 Sept. 2012Google Scholar
Alain Seksig, Inspector General of National Education, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Nicolas Cadène, Socialist MP and Secretary of the Observatoire de la laïcité, 15 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Patrick Weil, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 23 Nov. 2013Google Scholar
Christine Delphy, feminist scholar, 15 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Naima Bouteldja, author of 2011 Open Society report on veiled women in France, 9 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Eric Thiers, advisor and division chief, Division du secrétariat de la Commission des lois constitutionnelles, de la legislation et de l'administration générale de la République, 19 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Pierre Tévanian, Une école pour tous et toutes, 16 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Ndella Paye, Anissa Fathi, and H. Youssra, Mamans toutes égales, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
André Gerin, Parti Communiste, 11 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Jacques Myard, UMP, 11 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Georges Mothron, UMP, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Nicole Ameline, UMP, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Jean Glavany, PS, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Christian Bataille, PS, 23 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Danièle Hoffman-Rispal, PS, 28 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Sandrine Mazetier, PS, 25 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
François de Rugy, Parti Vert, 18 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Annie Sugier, Ligue du droit international des femmes, 27 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Michèle Vianès, Regards de femmes, 30 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Ismahane Chouder, Collectif des feminists pour l’égalité, 23 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Martine Cerf, Egalité Laïcité Europe, 28 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Pascal Hilout, Riposte Laique, 25 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Jean-Pierre Dubois, Ligue des droits de l'homme, 10 Apr. 2013Google Scholar
Marc Blondel and Christian Eyschen, Fédération nationale de la libre pensée, 22 Mar. 2013Google Scholar
Remy Schwartz, Conseil d'Etat, 3 Oct. 2012Google Scholar
Jean Baubérot, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 20 Sept. 2012Google Scholar
Alain Seksig, Inspector General of National Education, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Nicolas Cadène, Socialist MP and Secretary of the Observatoire de la laïcité, 15 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Patrick Weil, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 23 Nov. 2013Google Scholar
Christine Delphy, feminist scholar, 15 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Naima Bouteldja, author of 2011 Open Society report on veiled women in France, 9 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Eric Thiers, advisor and division chief, Division du secrétariat de la Commission des lois constitutionnelles, de la legislation et de l'administration générale de la République, 19 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Pierre Tévanian, Une école pour tous et toutes, 16 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Ndella Paye, Anissa Fathi, and H. Youssra, Mamans toutes égales, 30 Oct. 2013Google Scholar
Alba, R. 2005. Bright vs. Blurred Boundaries: Second Generation Assimilation and Exclusion in France, Germany, and the United States. Ethnic and Racial Studies 28, 1: 2049.Google Scholar
Al-Saji, A. 2010. The Racialization of Muslim Veils: A Philosophical Analysis. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36, 8: 875902.Google Scholar
Amiraux, V. 2008. De l'Empire à la République: à propos de l’“Islam de France.” Cahiers de Recherche Sociologique 46: 4560.Google Scholar
Amiraux, V. and Simon, P.. 2006. There Are no Minorities Here: Cultures of Scholarship and Public Debate on Immigrants and Integration in France. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 47, 3–4, 191215.Google Scholar
Assemblée Nationale. 2010a. Proposition de loi interdisant le port de tenues ou d'accessoires ayant pour effet de dissimuler le visage dans les lieux ouverts au public et sur la voie publique, Pub. L. no. 2283.Google Scholar
Assemblée Nationale. 2010b. Scrutin public sur l'ensemble du projet de loi interdisant la dissimulation du visage dan's l'espace public. 13 July. At: http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/13/scrutins/jo0595.asp (accessed 28 May 2018).Google Scholar
Bale, T., Green-Pedersen, C., Krouwel, A., Luther, K. R., and Sitter, N.. 2010. If You Can't Beat Them, Join Them? Explaining Social Democratic Responses to the Challenge from the Populist Radical Right in Western Europe. Political Studies 58: 410–26.Google Scholar
Berezin, M. 2009. Illiberal Politics in Neoliberal Times: Culture, Security and Populism in the New Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Blais, A. and Loewen, P. J.. 2009. The French Electoral System and Its Effects. West European Politics 32, 2: 345–59.Google Scholar
Bohman, A. 2011. Articulated Antipathies: Political Influence on Anti-Immigrant Attitudes. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 52, 6: 457–77.Google Scholar
Bornschier, S. and Lachat, R.. 2009. The Evolution of the French Political Space and Party System. West European Politics 32, 2: 360–83.Google Scholar
Bowen, J. 2007a. A View from France on the Internal Complexity of National Models. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33, 6: 1003–16.Google Scholar
Bowen, J. 2007b. Why the French Don't Like Headscarves. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Brechon, P., and Mitra, S. K.. 1992. The National Front in France: The Emergence of an Extreme Right Protest Movement. Comparative Politics 25, 1: 6382.Google Scholar
Brubaker, R. 1992. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Brubaker, R. and Cooper, F.. 2000. Beyond Identity. Theory and Society 29: 147.Google Scholar
Bussi, M. and Fourquet, J.. 2007. Election présidentielle 2007: Neuf cartes pour comprendre. Presses de Sciences Po 3, 57: 411–28.Google Scholar
Cole, A. 2002. A Strange Affair: The 2002 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in France. Government and Opposition 37, 3: 317–42.Google Scholar
de Leon, C., Desai, M., and Tugal, C.. 2009. Political Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey. Sociological Theory 27, 3: 193219.Google Scholar
de Leon, C., Desai, M., and Tugal, C.. 2015. Introduction—Political Articulation: The Structured Creativity of Parties. In de Leon, C., Desai, M. and Tugal, C., eds., Building Blocs: How Parties Organize Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Eidlin, B. 2016. Why Is There No Labor Party in the United States? Political Articulation and the Canadian Comparison, 1932 to 1948. American Sociological Review 81, 3: 488516.Google Scholar
Favell, A. 1998. Philosophies of Integration: Immigration and the Idea of Citizenship in France and Britain. New York: Palgrave.Google Scholar
Gerin, A. 2010. Rapport d'Information: Au Nom de la Misson d'Information sur la Pratique du Port du Voile Intégral sur le Territoire National (no. 2262). Assemblée Nationale.Google Scholar
Geva, D. 2014. Marine Le Pen, Parité, and Right Wing Populism. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Social Science History Association, Toronto.Google Scholar
Giry, S. 2006. France and Its Muslims. Foreign Affairs 85, 5: 87104.Google Scholar
Glavany, J. 2011. La laicité: un combat pour la paix. Paris: Heloise d'Ormesson.Google Scholar
Haegel, F. 2004. The Transformation of the French Right: Institutional Imperatives and Organizational Changes. French Politics 2: 185202.Google Scholar
Hagelund, A. 2003. A Matter of Decency? The Progress Party in Norwegian Immigration Politics. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 29, 1: 4765.Google Scholar
Hajjat, A. and Mohammed, M.. 2013. Islamophobie: comment les élites francaises fabriquent le “problème musulman.” Paris: La Découverte.Google Scholar
Hargreaves, A. C. 1991. The Political Mobilization of the North African Immigrant Community in France. Ethnic and Racial Studies 14, 3: 350–67.Google Scholar
Hollifield, J. F. 1994. Immigration and Republicanism in France: The Hidden Consensus. In Cornelius, W. A., Martin, P. L., and Hollifield, J. F., eds., Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Jarassé, J. 2010. Nicolas Sarkozy défend le projet de loi sur la burqa. Le Figaro, 19 May. Retrieved from http://www.lefigaro.fr/politique/2010/05/19/01002-20100519ARTFIG00397-nicolas-sarkozy-defend-le-projet-de-loi-sur-la-burqa.php.Google Scholar
Kawar, L. 2012. Juridical Framings of Immigrants in the United States and France: Courts, Social Movements, and Symbolic Politics. International Migration Review 46, 2: 414–55.Google Scholar
Kern, S. 2012. Muslim Voters Change Europe. Gatestone Institute: International Policy Council. At: https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/3064/muslim-voters-europe (accessed 28 May 2018).Google Scholar
Kitschelt, H. 1995. The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Korteweg, A. C. and Yurdakul, G.. 2014. The Headscarf Debates: Conflicts of National Belonging. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Laborde, C. 2002. On Republican Toleration. Constellations 9, 2: 167–83.Google Scholar
Ladrech, R. 1989. Social Movements and Party Systems: The French Socialist Party and New Social Movements. West European Politics 12, 3: 262–79.Google Scholar
Lamont, M. and Molnar, V.. 2002. The Study of Boundaries in the Social Sciences. Annual Review of Sociology 28: 167–95.Google Scholar
Lefebvre, E. L. 2003. Republicanism and Universalism: Factors of Inclusion and Exclusion in the French Concept of Citizenship. Citizenship Studies 7, 1: 1536.Google Scholar
Mayer, N. 2007. Comment Nicolas Sarkozy a rétréci l'électorat Le Pen. Presses de Sciences Po 3, 57: 429–45.Google Scholar
Mudde, C. 2013. The 2012 Stein Rokkan Lecture: Three Decades of Populist Radical Right Parties in Western Europe. So What? European Journal of Political Research 52: 119.Google Scholar
Myrdal, G. 1944. An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy. New York: Harper & Brothers.Google Scholar
Noiriel, G. 2007. A quoi sert “l'identité nationale.” Marseille: Agone.Google Scholar
Pakulski, J. and Waters, M.. 1996. The Reshaping and Dissolution of Social Class in Advanced Society. Theory and Society 25: 667–91.Google Scholar
Pena-Ruiz, H. 2001. La laïcité pour l’égalité. Paris: Mille et une nuits.Google Scholar
Perrineau, P. and Ysmal, C.. 2003. Introduction. In Perrineau, P. and Ysmal, C., eds., Le vote de tous les refus: Les élections présidentielle et législatives de 2002. Paris: Presses de Sciences Po.Google Scholar
Reynié, D. 2011. Le tournant ethno-socialiste du Front National. Etudes 11, 415: 463–72.Google Scholar
Rovny, J., and Edwards, E. E.. 2012. Struggle over Dimensionality: Party Competition in Western and Eastern Europe. East European Politics and Societies 26, 1: 5674.Google Scholar
Schneider, H. 2004. Branding in Politics—Manifestations, Relevance and Identity-Oriented Management. Journal of Political Marketing 3, 3: 4167.Google Scholar
Silverman, M. 2007. The French Republic Unveiled. Ethnic and Racial Studies 30, 4: 628–42.Google Scholar
Simon, P. and Tiberj, V.. 2010. Religion. In Beauchemin, C., Hamelle, C., and Simon, P., eds., Trajectories and Origins: Survey on Population Diversity in France: Initial Findings. Paris: Institut national d'études démographiques (INED).Google Scholar
Soper, J. C. and Fetzer, J. S.. 2007. Religious Institutions, Church-State History and Muslim Mobilisation in Britain, France and Germany. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33, 6: 933–44.Google Scholar
Strudel, S. 2007. L'électorat de Nicolas Sarkozy: “Rupture tranquille” ou syncrétisme tourmenté? Presses de Sciences Po 3, 57: 459–74.Google Scholar
Thomas, E. 2006. Keeping Identity at a Distance: Explaining France's New Legal Restrictions on the Islamic Headscarf. Ethnic and Racial Studies 29, 2: 237–59.Google Scholar
Tiberj, V. 2013. Values and the Votes from Mitterand to Hollande: The Rise of the Two-Axis Politics. Parliamentary Affairs 66: 6986.Google Scholar
Triadafilopoulos, T. and Zaslove, A.. 2006. Influencing Migration Policy from Inside: Political Parties. In Giugni, M. and Passy, F., eds., Dialogues on Migration Policy. Lanham: Lexington Books.Google Scholar
Valls, M. 2013. Déclaration de Manuel Valls, ministre de l'intérieur, en réponse à une question sur l'application de la lois du 11 octobre 2010 concernant le port du voile intégral, à l'Assemblée Nationale le 23 juillet. Ministère de l'intérieur. At: http://discours.vie-publique.fr/notices/133001805.html (accessed 28 May 2018).Google Scholar
Verdery, K. 1993. Whither “Nation” and “Nationalism”? Deadalus 122, 3: 3746.Google Scholar
Wieviorka, M. 2013. The National Front—Caught between Extremism, Populism and Democracy. In Fieschi, C., Morris, M., and Caballero, L., eds., Populist Fantasies: European Revolts in Context. London: Counterpoint.Google Scholar
Wiles, E. 2007. Headscarves, Human Rights, and Harmonious Multicultural Society: Implications of the French Ban for Interpretations of Equality. Law & Society Review 41, 3: 699735.Google Scholar
Zubrzycki, G. 2001. “We, the Polish Nation”: Ethnic and Civic Visions of Nationhood in Post-Communist Constitutional Debates. Theory and Society 30, 5: 629–68.Google Scholar
Zubrzycki, G. 2016. Beheading the Saint: Nationalism, Religion, and Secularism in Quebec. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar