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‘Menelaos’ In The Spartan Agiad King-List1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

R. Ball
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Extract

This is the latter part of the Spartan Agiad king-list as given by the late Latinsource nicknamed ‘Barbaras‘ by J. J. Scaliger who detected under the seventhname in our list, Cemenelaus, the Greek which appeared to oprovide a well-known name in place of something obscure or very corrupt.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 27 , Issue 2 , December 1977 , pp. 312 - 316
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1977

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References

page 312 note 2 The text is given as Appendix VI by Schoene, A., Eusebii ChronicorumLibri Duo, vol. iGoogle Scholar, and in Frick, C., Chronica Minora i (1892), 184–371.Google Scholar

page 312 note 3 Thesaurus Temporum Eusebii Pamphili Chronicorum Canonum (Leiden, 1606), p.63Google Scholar (of appendix containing Barbarus etc.). Willer, C., Brag. Hist. Graec. v, p.xxxviiGoogle Scholar (n.) suggested more ingeniously

page 312 note 4 Frick's, edn. gives a useful comparison of sources pp.lxxxiii-ccvGoogle Scholar and there is also a full account in Jacoby, , RE vi (1906), 1566–76.Google Scholar For two of the main uses of Barbarus, see Schwarz, E., ‘Die Koenigslisten des Eratosthenes und Kantor‘, Abhand. der königl. Gesell. der Wissen. zu Göttingen, Phil. -Hist. Kiasse, xl (1895), 3, 43 ff.Google Scholar; Helm, R., Hippolytus, Die Chronik (Giiecb. Christi. Schrift. 46, 1955), pp.x ff.Google Scholar

page 312 note 5 Brandis, J., Commentatio de temporum Graecorum antigaissimorum rationibus (Bonn, 1857), p.30Google Scholar; Gelzer, H., Sextus Julius Africanus und die Byzantinische Chronographie, i. 141–4Google Scholar; Jacoby, ,Apollodors Cbronik (Berlin, 1902), pp.85–7.Google Scholar

page 312 note 6 FGrHist 244 F 62.

page 312 note 7 Muller, C., loc. cit.Google Scholar; Meyer, E., Forschungen zur alten Geschichte, i. 181 n.Google Scholar; Schwartz, , loc. cit., p.62Google Scholar; von, A.Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften iv. 20 fGoogle Scholar.; Bauer, A., ‘Die Agiadenlisten der Chronographen’ in ‘Eine Alexandrinische Weltchronik‘, Denkschr. der Akad. Wien, 51 (1905), 105–14Google Scholar; Huxley, G. L., Early Sparta (1962), p.102 n.71;Google ScholarForrecf, W. G.. CQ N.S. 19 (1969), 109.Google Scholar

page 312 note 8 Helm, R., Die Chronik des Hieron.vmes (Griech. Christ. Schrift. 47), p.83b;Google ScholarFotheringham, J. K., The Bodleian Manuscript of Jeromes version of Eusebius' Chronicle (Oxford, 1905), pp.13 f.Google Scholar

page 313 note 1 Gelzer, , op. cit., p.142;Google ScholarJacoby, , Apollodors Chronik, p.86.Google Scholar

page 313 note 2 Cf. Jacoby, ibid., p.84 with the second and third lists of his table and also the fifth (Synkellos). Cedrenus (i.215, 23) also gives the same details as Malalas without the subtotal and reign-length of Alkamenes.

page 313 note 3 Most sources give thirty-seven years for Alkamenes and all give forty-two for Eurysthenes.

page 313 note 4 The explanation for the total of 350 years of Spartan rule given at the end of Barbarus' list and also by Synkellos and Jerome must certainly be connected with the start of the Ephor list in 754/3: Schwarz, , loc. cit., p.64Google Scholar, and Jacoby, , op. cit., p.138. In any case the total for Barbarus' reigns as they stand is 370 years.Google Scholar

page 313 note 5 So Jacoby, still pleaded in FGrHist ii D, pp.745–6.Google Scholar

page 313 note 6 Brandis, , op. cit., p.29, suggested a link with Automenes. The Sikyon list (40a) is found on p.217 of Schoene's edition.Google Scholar

page 313 note 7 Agis has two years instead of one year; Echestratos has thirty-four instead of thirty-five years.

page 314 note 1 Frick, , p.330, 3; f. 48b. Cf. his introduction, pp.lxxxvii ff.Google Scholar

page 314 note 2 Bauer, , loc. cit.; Helm, Hippolytus, Die Chronik, p.xiv gives an account of the relationship of this papyrus to Barbarus as far as the text of Hippolytos is concerned.Google Scholar

page 314 note 3 Plut, . Mor. 857 b (De Herod. mal. 12) on Hdt. 2. 119;Google ScholarFarnell, L. R., Greek Hero Cults and ideas of immortality (Oxford, 1921), pp.322–3.Google Scholar However I can find no evidence that Menelaos was worshipped in Egypt as well as Helen. For the use of her name see FGrHist 1 F 305–9 with Fraser, P. M., Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford, 1972), ii. 122 n.55 and e.g. S.G.U. 10397, 16.Google Scholar

page 314 note 4 Diod. 19. 62–20. 52; Strabo 17.1.18 (801); Fraser, P. M., op. cit. ii. 365 n.215.Google Scholar

page 314 note 5 See, e.g. S.G.U. 7542, 10; 7620, 11; 9870 passim; 10019 (23); 10132, 6; 10309; and 9146 dated sixth/seventh cent.

page 314 note 6 f. 23a = Frick, p.242; f. 41b = Frick, p.302.

page 314 note 7 Jordanes's summary of Cassiodorus’ Getica, in Patr. Lat. lxix, col: 1259 and on Cassiodorus, Momigliano, A., Studies in Historiography, 1966, pp.183, 191–6.Google Scholar ‘Fredegar’ belongs to the first half of the seventh and the Liber Hist. Franc. to the early eighth century but they have independent versions of the Trojan legend: ed. Krusch, B., Mon. Germ. Hist. Script. Rerum Merov. ii (1889), 42, 45, 47, 93–4, 194 ff.Google Scholar; Hommel, H., ‘Die trojanische Herkunft der Franken’, RhM 99 (1956), 323–41;Google ScholarWallace-Hadrill, J. M., The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar (1960), esp. pp.xi-xiiGoogle Scholar and The Long-Haired Kings (1962), pp.79–83;Google ScholarGrand, Roger, Recherches sur l‘origine des Francs (Paris, 1965), pp.6–14. The Gothic legend may be no earlier than the Frankish version which could be quite independent and have started as early as the fifth century. Our Paris manuscript which preserves Barbarus is dated to the latter half of the eighth century (see below, n.5) but it might have been a copy of a somewhat earlier original.Google Scholar

page 315 note 1 Longnon, A., Géographie de la Gaule au Vie siècle (Paris, 1878), p.460;Google ScholarLatouche, R., ‘Nice et Cimiez (Ve-Xle siècle)’ in Mèlanges … offerts à M. Ferdinand Lot …(Paris, 1925), PP.331- 58;Google ScholarDuval, P. M., ‘Rapport preliminaire sur les fouilles de Cemenelum (Cimiez)‘, Gallia 4 (1946), 77 ff.Google Scholar with frequent reports of later finds in subsequent issues; Latouche, R., ‘Cimiez à travers les âges‘ in Ètudes Mèdièvales (Univ. of Grenoble, Publ. de la. fac. des lettres et sciences hum. 42), 1966, pp.165–75 (with some reconsiderations).Google Scholar

page 315 note 2 Pascal, C. B., The Cults of Cisalpine Gaul (Collections Latomus vol. lxxv, 1964), p.156 (CIL v. 7871).Google Scholar

page 315 note 3 Nicaea was reputedly founded by Massilia, though perhaps quite a late foundation: Strabo 4.1.5 (180), 4.1.9. (184); RE xvii.1 (1936), col. 167. On Spartan survivals, see Rawson, E., The Spartan Tradition in European Thought (Oxford, 1969), pp.125–6 who refers to Gregory of Tours's strange Spartan king ‘Festus’ (? a corruption of Iphitos) and adds the comment, ‘To other writers Menelaus might be the only Spartan king worth mentioning.’Google Scholar

page 315 note 4 Histoire de la Provence, ed. Baratier, È. (Toulouse, 1969), pp.83–6;Google ScholarBuchner, R., Die Provence in Merowingischer Zeit (1933), pp.60 ff.Google Scholar

page 315 note 5 Paris Bibl. Nat. Lat. 4884 given as No. 560 in Lowe, E. A., Codices Latini Antiquiores, Vol. v (Paris, 1950), and described as a curious mixture of uncial and half-uncial elements of a type found in northern France and dated to the second half of the eighth century.Google Scholar

page 316 note 1 In his introduction, p.Ixxxv.