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The Athenian Hoplite Force in 431 B.C.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

A. W. Gomme
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Extract

There is still something to be said about these figures for the Athenian hoplite force, the more so as the most reasonable discussion of them, Meyer's, is spoilt by some unsound inferences and has in consequence not found support. Their difficulty is apparent: a muster πανσημει in 338 meant calling up all classes up to the age of 50 (Lycurg. c. Leocr. 39), and since Socrates fought at Delion and Amphipolis when he was in his late forties, and not at Mantineia when he was over 50, we may assume that it meant the same in the fifth century; we also assume (though this is by no means proved) that ‘the youngest’ are those in their nineteenth and twentieth years, as in the fourth century, certainly after the reform of the Ephebeia, perhaps earlier (Aeschin. II. 167); military service ceased at 60. But how could the number of men in these twelve classes, 19-20 and 51-60, stand in the proportion of 13: 17 (16,000 less 3,000 metics, 13,000 plus 1,000 cavalry and 3,000 metics) to the men between 21 and 50 ? They could not be more than a third, and might be less. (Beloch, 1923, tries to make the problem more difficult by the arbitrary assumption that the 13,000 citizen hoplites are all the men of 21-60, instead of 21-50. Meyer, who accepts Thucydides’ figures, forgets that there must have been ‘oldest and youngest’ metics, besides the 3,000 who marched into Megara. Busolt and Meyer also argue that the classes 51-60 will have suffered specially heavy losses in the battles of 459-445, while the eight youngest classes would have seen no fighting;

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 21 , Issue 3-4 , June 1927 , pp. 142 - 150
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1927

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References

page 142 note 1 Beloch, , Bevülkerung (1885), 60 sqq.Google Scholar; Gr. Aufgebote, Klio V. (1905) 341 sqqGoogle Scholar.; Gr. Geschichte III. 2. (1923) 386 sqqGoogle Scholar. Meyer, , Wehrkraft, etc., in Forschungen (1899) II. 149–195Google Scholar. Busolt, Gr. Gtschichte III. 2. (1904) 878 sqqGoogle Scholar. Fawcus, , J.H.S. XXIX. (1909) 23 sqq.Google Scholar, is very unsys tematic.

page 143 note 1 It is unnecessary to do more than refer to Wilamowitz' view (Ar. u. Ath. II. 201 sqq.) that Thucydides simply made the superficial calculation that oldest and youngest=men in their prime.That a man of Wilamowitz' understanding could suggest this of Thucydides (who lived in an organized state with a ληξιαρχικá λραμματεῖα and himself belonged to so small a deme that he could almost have known by name every member of it—old, young, and of military age; and who calculated that the oldest and youngest of the Spartan army at Mantineia formed only one-sixth of the whole—V. 64. 3), this, together with Beloch's vacillation, shows the difficulties that arise from attempting to dismiss, instead of solving, the problem.

page 144 note 1 Beloch says from Androtion, who is also the authority for ‘Aθπ. 24 (Gr. Gesch. 387). If Androtion is anything more than a name to us, this last suggestion is very wide of the mark.

page 144 note 2 To avoid a clumsy elaboration I shall the terms ‘hoplite-strength’ and ‘hoplite-census’ to include the cavalry, the men of the two richest classes—all οí πὄλα παρεμɛνοι.

It is not certain whether the epibatai of the the fleet were men of hoplite-census or thetes armed by the state. Meyer maintains the former, Beloch the latter view. Nor is it certain, though it is always assumed, that the τοχóται, horse and foot, were thetes. It may be noted that after the reform of c. 336 B.C. the epheboi (whom Beloch now—1923—believes to have been men of the hoplite-census only, though formerly— 1905—he thought they included thetes) were trained in the use of the bow, the javelin, and sling, as well as in τò óλομαχεῖν (Aθπ. 42.3). But I omit these from my argument, as well as (for the present) οí ἐν τοῖσ θρονρíοισ.

page 145 note 1 It is extremely unsatisfactory to have to use such analogies, especially in the case of a small state, whose population had been effected to a degree that we cannot estimate by recent wars and emigrations. But we cannot do anything else, and we are not seeking exact figures, (Beloch's great service has been to insist on the necessity of making some calculation, on the falsity of doing nothing because we cannot be exact.)

page 146 note 1 Beloch does maintain that unfitness was only tested on mobilization for each campaign (Geschichte, p. 388), and bases his view on an anecdote in Plutarch(Phoc. IO), which is worthless for the purpose, and suggests, if anything, the contrary (ἐν τᾦ καταóλῳ: Aristogeiton wanted his name struck off the active list).

page 146 note 2 We need not work out the figures of absentees on Beloch's assumption that the 13,000 are all hoplites up to 60.

page 147 note 1 Fawcus (p. 23), relying on ‘Aθ.’ were ‘the youngest,’ the recruits of 18 and 19. But Aristotle is giving peace-time conditions. Oinoe, for example (II. 18-19), was certainly not garrisoned by raw recruits in 431.

page 147 note 3 Assuming, that is, that οí ἐν τοῖσ θρονρíοισ are not included in the 16,000; that that figure comprises οí παρ' ἓαλχιν only, as Thucydides' words, taken strictly, should mean (τοσοῶτοι λáρ … áπó τε τῶν πρεσβντáτων καí τν ν … τοῶ τε λáρ ɸαλ. τεíχουσ, κτλ.). If they are included in the 16.000 their number has to be deducted from that of the men of 19-20 and 51-60 and added to the active list, thus reducing still further the proportion of the former to the latter, making it at most 5,500: 19,500.

page 148 note 1 I leave out of consideration the thetic reserve (men unfit to row in the fleet and act as τοχóται), though these would certainly be available for the defence of the walls. Thucydides' figures are in fact too low for the total reserve, not too high.

page 148 note 2 Beloch (Klio, p. 363) notes that Thucydides' language in I. 105. 4 is not very happy: τῶν σ ἐκ πóλεωσ ὐπολοíπων οí τε πρεσβὐτατοι καí οí νεώτατοι, as though it was only the oldest and youngest of those that remained in the city who joined up, and the fittest men stayed behind. He also argues that the whole of the Athenian active army was not engaged in Aegina and Egypt, and that the greater part of Myronides' force consisted of first-line troops. This may be so, but if we assert it we are contradicting Thucydides. He bases his argument on the fact that Tanagra also was fought while the Athenians were still engaged in Aegina and Egypt, and to that battle they sent an army of 14,000 men, most of whom must have been citizen troops. It is puzzling. But it is probable that after the investment of Aegina, and perhaps also of Memphis (and after Myronides' victory), troops were withdrawn and returned to Athens; just as Pericles withdrew part of the forces from Samos (I. 116. 3), Phormio from Potidaea (I. 64-65, II. 58. 2), and the Peloponnesians from Plataea (II. 78. 1). Cf. E. M. Walker in Camb. Anc, Hist. V. 81. (I cannot believe, in view of Pericles' expedition to Sicyon and Oeniadae and Cimon's to Cyprus in 449, that the Athenians lost 250 ships and 50,000 men in Egypt— id., p. 84; cf. p. 78, n. 1.)

page 149 note 1 Beloch (Klio 360) says these were epibatai and so thetes; but on the same page he agrees that the 1,000 on board the fleet of 431 (II. 23. 2) are hoplites. The cases are exactly parallel.

page 149 note 2 Beloch argues that Thucydides could only have had comparative figures of the hoplite force before and after the plague, so that this number will include also any who died a natural death during these years.

page 149 note 3 It must be confessed, however, that Thucydides' language—τοῶ σἑᾰλλον ὄχλν áνεὐρετοσ áριθμóσ(cf. II. 31. 2, IV. 94. 1)—does not suggest that hoplites outside the active army are included in ‘the rest.’ But note that is particularly the Siva/us, the military force, of Athens with which he is concerne (III. 87. 2).

page 149 note 4 Beloch (Klio 359) says these war losses would have been more than made up by 424 by ‘natural increase.’ But many boys between 14 and ao must have died during the plague.

page 150 note 1 I.G. 2 I. 949 alone makes this assumption highly improbable.

page 150 note 2 I cannot accept the 3,000 hoplites of Acharnae, even if they include all hoplites over 20 or over 18. XXX might be a corruption of XHH (which would give a proportion of hoplite population to Acharnae roughly corresponding to its representation—22—in the boule); but it is useless to emend. The figure is not confirmed by Ephorus.