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The Emperor Julian and his School Law

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

B. Carmon Hardy
B. Carmon Hardy
Affiliation:
Assistant Professor of History, California State College at Fullerton
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Extract

Few historical figures have earned a remembrance of so fixed and angular features as the fourth century Roman Emperor, Flavius Claudius Julianus. Yet, it is doubtful that except for one event in his short reign of less than two years, he would have aroused more than a fraction of the commentary since devoted to his rule. Having announced his defection from Christianity upon succeeding to the throne of Constantius, it was probably expected that religious terrors, like those of the third century, would immediately be loosed upon the followers of Jesus. Not until some seven months had passed, however, did anything like the expected blow descend. And this, oddly, was a nonsanguine policy intended to do no more than purge the public schools of their Christian faculties.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 37 , Issue 2 , June 1968 , pp. 131 - 143
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1968

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References

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35. Two of the most important Julianic studies of this century have both tended to mark Julian as an administrator of the first rank and ability: Andreotti, Roberto, Il Regno Dell 'Imperator Giuliano (Bologna, 1936)Google Scholar; and Ensslin, Wilhelm, “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk und Reichsverwaltung,“ Klio Beiträge sur alten Geschichte, XVIII (1918), 104–199Google Scholar. Also see: Gardner, Alice, Julian, Philosopher and Emperor and the Last Struggle of Paganism against Christianity (New York, 1895), 223–231Google Scholar, et passim “Iulianos Apostata,” Pauly-Wissowa Real-Encyclopädie Der Classischen Alterumswissenschaft, X (Stuttgart, 1917), c. 51Google Scholar; Geffeken, Johannes, “Kaiser Julianus und Die Streitschriften Seiner Gegner,” Neue Jahrbuch für das Klassische Altertumswissenschaft (1908), 168Google Scholar; Stein, Ernest, Histoire Du Bas-Empire, ed. and rev. Palanque, J. R., 2 vols.; 2nd ed (Paris, 1949), I, 158Google Scholar. The perplexity of Julian's motives is compounded, incidentally, by another problem. No one knew better than the emperor that perhaps the most effective impediment he could erect in obstructing the success of Christianity would be to immerse and intimidate it with classical learning. His own biography was an instance of what he could look for from others. Moreover, reading and sifting the ancient texts, by his own admission, had already proved a frequent reason for desertion from Christian ranks by others. “Against the Galilaeans,” Wright, III, 384; for the Teubner text: Iuliani Imperatoris Librorusn Contra Christianos Quae Supersunt, coll. rec. Charles John Neumann (Leipzig, 1880), 204Google Scholar. Why then, if his objective was especially intended to frustrate the sect, should he have ignored his own experience!

36. The gullibility of Julian, however, and the quackery practiced by some of those he received has invited a deserved criticism. See, for example, Eunapius, , Lives of the Philosophers, trans. Wright, Wilmer Cave, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge and London, 1952), vol. 184, p. 447.Google Scholar

37. “To Aristoxenus, a Philosopher,” Wright, III, 115–117Google Scholar; and Bidez, , Lettres, 84–85Google Scholar, where Julian says his court is open to anyone of genuine repute as a philosopher. For the invitation to Saint Basil, ep. 26, Wright, III, 81; ep. 32, Bidez, , Lettres, 52Google Scholar. And for “To Aetius the Arian,” ep. 15, Wright, III, 35–37; ep. 46, Bidez, , Lettres, 65–66.Google Scholar

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41. Upon the extension of toleration to all exiled clerics at the commencement of Julian's reign, Athanasius had returned to Alexandria and once again taken up his episcopal responsibilities. Julian had not intended this and considered Athanasius presumptuous in doing more than simply returning to a layman's way of life. Julian therefore exiled him again. Ep. 24, Wright, III, 75–77Google Scholar; ep. 110, Bidez, , Lettres, 187–188Google Scholar. Athanasius ignored the command, continued with his work even baptizing several Greeks of Alexandria. This incensed the Emperor and he again ordered the immediate departure of the prelate. Ep. 46, Wright, III, 141–143Google Scholar; ep. 12, Bidez, , Lettres, 192Google Scholar. The Alexandrians seemed as little concerned as their Bishop with the consequence that Julian had to issue yet a third decree banishing Athanasius from the whole of Egypt. Ep. 47, Wright, , III, 143–151Google Scholar; ep. 111, Bidez, , Lettres, 188–192.Google Scholar

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43. “To Sallust,” Orat. VIII, Wright, II, 173; Orat. IV, Bidez, , Discours, 192Google Scholar; “To Atarbius,” ep. 37, Wright, III, 123; ep. 83, Bidez, , Lettres, 143–144Google Scholar; “To Hecebolius,” ep. 40, Wright, III, 127–129; ep. 115, Bidez, , Lettres, 196–197.Google Scholar

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50. Amm. Marc., XXV. 3. 17.

51. “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk…,” esp. 118–125.

52. Christianity and Classical Culture, A Study of Thought and Action from Augustus to Augustine (London, 1944), 231–249.Google Scholar

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid., 273–274.

55. Ibid. And the chapter “Der Kampf Zwischen Christlicher Eschatologie und Römischem Imperialismus,” in Hartke, Werner, Bömische Kinderkaiser, Eine Strukturanalyse Römischen Denkens und Daseins (Berlin, 1951), 352–402.Google Scholar

56. “The Emperor Julian's ‘Reactionary’ Ideas on Kingship,” Late Classical and Medieval Studies in Honor of Albert Mathias Friend, Jr., ed. Kurt Weitzmann (Princeton, 1955), 71–81.Google Scholar

57. Ibid., 73–76.

58. In this regard, Julian's frank disregard for traditional formalities and conceits often provoked criticism and was a source of some unpopularity. Libanius, , Orat. I. 129–130Google Scholar; XVIII. 155.

59. In the words of Ensslin, “Auf allem Gebieten aber ist es Julians Bestreben dessen Gedankenwelt zurückzudrängen, also auch auf dem Boden des römischen Rechtes.” “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk” 156. Other good summaries may be found in Downey, Glanville, “The Emperor Julian and the Schools,” The Classical Journal, LIII (1957), 97–98Google Scholar; and his “Julian and Justinian and the Unity of Faith and Culture,“ Church History, XXVIII (1959), 341–343.Google Scholar

60. Grasberger, Lorenz, Erziehung und Unterricht im Klassisohen Altertum, 3 vols. (Würzburg, 1864-1881), III, 582Google Scholar; Marrou, Henri-Iénée, Histoire De L'Education Dans L'Antiguté, 5e ed. re. (Paris, 1960), 313–314.Google Scholar

61. Geilius, Aulus, Noctium Atticarum, IV. 20. 7–10.Google Scholar

62. “Cato Maior,” XVI. 1–2, in Plutarch's Vitae Parallelae. Also see the remarks of Dilthey, Wilhelm, Pädagogik Geschichte Und Grundlinien Des Systems, Bd. IX, Wilhelm Diltheys Gesammelte Schriften (Leipzig und Berlin, 1934), 60.Google Scholar

63. As quoted in Marrou, , Histoire De L'Éducation, 465.Google Scholar

64. I refer to when the Epicureans Alcaeus and Philiscus were banished from Rome in 173 B.C. Athenaeus, , Deipnosophistae, XII. 547AGoogle Scholar; there is, too, the treatment accorded Greek and Latin Rhetors who were exiled by the Romans in 161, 155 and again in 92 B.C. Suetonius, , De Rhetoribus, IGoogle Scholar; Gellius, Aulus, Noctium Atticarum, XV. 11.Google Scholar

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73. De Idololatria, X, XIXGoogle Scholar; Ad Nationes, II. 1–2Google Scholar. A perusal of Christian texts dealing with education leaves one surprised, like Otto Seeck, that Christians should have protested Julians school law at all when it granted so much of what they had always seemed to ask—freedom from responsibilities of secular indoctrination and the right to quietly discourse on Matthew and Luke in their own private way. Geschiohte deg Untergangs der Antiken Welt (6 bde.; Berlin und Stuttgart, 1897-1920), IV, 328.Google Scholar

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75. “To the Cynic Heracleios,“ Orat. VII, in Wright, II, 153–155.

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78. “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk,” 187. The essentially ethical, rather than persecutory, intent of the emperor is even more to be believed if the contentions of Denk are allowed, that Julian was dealing with a professional group whose numbers were still predominantly of pagan persuasion. Denk, V. M. Otto, Geschichte Des GalloFränkischen Unterricts - und Bildungswesens von Den Altesten Zeiten. Bis Auf Karl Den Grossen (Mainz, 1892), 157Google Scholar. In this same regard, Dvornik has remarked that while there were differences of viewpoint, Julian “did not meet with any formidable opposition among contemporary rhetors and philosophers….” “The Emperor Julian's ‘Reactionary’ Ideas on Kingship,” 79; and Jones, A. H. M., “The Social Background of the Struggle between Paganism and Christianity,” The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, ed. Momigliano, Arnaldo (Oxford, 1963), 20–21, 30–32.Google Scholar

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82. Ibid.

83. “Fragment of a Letter to a Priest,” Wright, II, 296; ep. 89b, Bidez, , Lettres, 155–156.Google Scholar

84. “Panegyric in Honour of Eusebia,” Orat. III, Wright, I, 317, 329–331Google Scholar; Orat. II, Bidez, , Discours, 92, 97–98Google Scholar; “To Salust,” Orat. VIII, Wright, II, 179; Orat. IV, Bidez, , Discours, 195.Google Scholar

85. Contra Gal., Wright, III, 325–327; Neumann, 168–169; also, Orat. VI, Wright, II, 9, 15; Orat. IV, Wright, I, 411.

86. Speaking of the story of Ascelpius: “… it is not peculiar to us Romans alone [the gift of healing], but we enjoy it mutually… with our kinsmen, the Hellenes.” Contra Gal., Wright, III, 374; Neumann, 197.

87. Eumenides, 1003–1047.

88. Esp., Aeneid, VI, 790–793Google Scholar; XII, 188–191, 834–840. That Julian was far from alone in bearing Virginian imprints, see the work of Comparetti, D., Virgilio Nel Media Evo (Firenze, n.d.).Google Scholar

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90. Ep. 55, Wright, III, 189; ep. 90, Bidez, , Lettres, 21–22.Google Scholar

91. “Frag. 7,” Wright, III, 299; Bidez, ELPF, 73–75.

92. Greg. Naz., Orat. IV. 109; Libanius, , Orat. XVIII. 159–160.Google Scholar

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94. The Decline and Fall, II, 41.Google Scholar

95. “To the Uneducated Cynics,” Orat. VI, Wright, II, 5–65Google Scholar; “To the Cynic Heracleios,” Orat. VII, Wright, II, 73–161. And the comments of Vollert, Wilhelm, Kaiser Julians Religiõse und Philosophische Uberzeugung (Gutersloh, 1899), 97.Google Scholar

96. Julian's response to Christian eschatology is found in “Frag. I,” Wright, III, 429; “Frag. III,” Neumann, 234.

97. See the many testimonies and versions collected in Reinhardt, G., Der Tod des Kaiser Julian (Cöthen, 1891).Google Scholar

98. Cod. Theod., XIII. 3.6.Google Scholar