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Claims on the Bones of Saint Stephen: The Partisans of Melania and Eudocia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Elizabeth A. Clark
Elizabeth A. Clark
Affiliation:
Ms. Clark is professor of religion in Mary Washington College, Fredericksburg, Virginia.
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Extract

As Peter Brown has so eloquently described in The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, bones became an avenue to power in late antiquity. Wealthy Christians who could lay claim to the bodies of the holy dead gained status through their willingness to share the gratia thus acquired with those lacking relics of their own; Paulinus of Nola, proprietor of Saint Felix's remains, affords an illuminating example. Patronage was restyled, Brown argues, as the royal, priestly, or monastic controllers of bones became the intermediaries through whom the saints' generosities were bestowed on sinful humans. Yet cooperation was not always the dominant spirit in the dispensing of gratia: relics could provide new opportunities for competition, as is dramatically illustrated by a rivalry confused and perhaps forever obfuscated by contradictory texts. The rivals are the heiress-turned- ascetic Melania the Younger and the empress Eudocia, wife of Theodosius II. The bones are Stephen's.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 51 , Issue 2 , June 1982 , pp. 141 - 156
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1982

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26. D'Alès, p. 430. Slightly over a decade would have elapsed since Melania's death in 439.

27. Ibid., pp. 446, 449.

28. See below, p. 153. Honigmann, Ernest, “Juvenal of Jerusalem,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 5 (1950):228CrossRefGoogle Scholar, appears to favor the post-Chalcedonian date. On the contrary, d'Alès, p. 446, favors a date before Juvenal's removal in 452. D'Alès believes the Latin version of the Life of Melania might contain a reference to Chalcedon (chap. 44), a sign of its possibly later composition than the Greek version (d'Alès, p. 449). Vincent and Abel, fasc. 4. 748, attribute the omission of Juvenal's name at the deposition as a sign that Eudocia wished him to stay in the background. Abel, F. -M., “Saint Cyrille d'Alexandrie dans ses rapports avec la Palestine,” Kyrillzana (Cairo, 1947), p. 225, n. 50Google Scholar, might favor a post-Chalcedonian date.

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33. Ibid. 53–55 (Raabe, 54–56); Evagrius, , Historia Ecclesiae 2. 5 (Bidez and Parmentier, p. 52);Google ScholarRhetor, Zacharias, Historia Ecclesiastica 3. 4 (Brooks, p. 108 for Latin, p. 158 for Syriac).Google Scholar See also Devos, p. 350.

34. For Eudocia's protection of Peter, see Rhetor, Zacharias, Historia Ecclesiastica 3. 5, 7 (Brooks, pp. 109, 110 for Latin, pp. 159, 160 for Syriac).Google Scholar For Peter's, exile, see Vita Petri Hiberi 57–97 (Raabe, pp. 58–96).Google Scholar

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36. Raabe, p. 9. For typical Monophysite sentiments, see Rufus, John, Plerophoria 3, 19, 42, 79 (trans. Nau, F., Patrotogia Orientalis 8 [1912]:14–15, 38–39, 93, 135–136)Google Scholar, and Vita Petri Hiberi 32, 133, 134 (Raabe, pp. 36, 122–123).Google Scholar

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39. Or she came to abhor those who espoused the Catholic faith, namely, Pulcheria. See Holum, Theodosian Empresses, chap. 7; Goubert, Paul, “Le Rôle de Sainte Pulchérie et l'eunuque Chrysaphios,” in Das Konzil von Chalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Aloys, Grillmeier and Heinrich, Bacht, 3 vols. (Würzburg, 1954), 1:304.Google Scholar On the persuasions of the saint and the abbot, see Cyril, of Scythopolis, , Vita S. Euthymii 30 (Schwartz, pp. 47–49);Google ScholarCallistus, Nicephorus, Ecclesiasticae Historiae 15. 13 (Migne, PG 147. 40–41).Google Scholar

40. On the vow of chastity, see Vita Melaniae 6 (Gorce, p. 136).Google Scholar On their poverty, see ibid. 35 (Gorce, p. 194). For the finding of the relics of Zechariah, see Sozomen, , Historia Ecclesiastica 9. 17 (Bidez and Hansen, pp. 407–408).Google Scholar One of Eudocia's poetic compositions was on Zechariah; see Photius, , Bibliotheca, codices 183–184 (Migne, PG 103. 536–537).Google Scholar For Melania's earlier devotion to the remains of Lawrence, Saint, see Vita Melaniae 5 (Gorce, p. 134).Google Scholar The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste were soldiers martyred in Cappadocia or Armenia under Licinius; the passio is given in Gebhardt, Oskar von, Acta Martyrum Selecta (Berlin, 1902), pp. 166–181.Google Scholar Pulcheria is credited with discovering the remains of the Forty for Constantinople and providing them with a proper resting place: see Chronicon Paschale, a. 451 (Dindorf, 1:590);Google ScholarMarcellinus, , Chronicon, a. 451 (Mommsen, pp. 83–84);Google ScholarSozomen, , Historia Ecclesiastica 9. 2 (Bidez and Hansen, pp. 392–394).Google Scholar That the feast of the Forty was already celebrated in Constantinople when Nestorius was bishop is revealed by Rufus, John, Plerophoria 1 (Nau, pp. 11–12).Google Scholar

41. Vita Melaniae 48 (Gorce, p. 218).Google Scholar The oratory of the women's monastery is called a martyrium in the Latin version of the Vita, chap. 66 (Rampolla, p. 38).

42. Vita Melaniae 41 (Gorce, p. 204).Google Scholar On the date of her mother's death, see Gorce, p. 205, n. 5.

43. Vita Melaniae 48–49 (Gorce, pp. 218, 220).Google Scholar On the date of Pinian's death, see Gorce, p. 220, n. 2.

44. The traditional dating of the trip to the end of 436 and early 437 is found in Rampolla, pp. 230, 253, xl-xlii; and in Gorce, pp. 44 and 224, n. 1. It has been challenged by Holum; see n. 31 above. On the monastery for men, see Vita Melaniae 49 (Gorce, pp. 220–222).Google Scholar

45. Vita Melaniae 57 (Gorce, p. 240).Google Scholar

46. Ibid. 58 (Gorce, p. 240).

47. Ibid. 64 (Gorce, p. 258).

48. Ibid. 65 (Gorce, p. 262). The dying Melania tells the nuns while she is in their convent that she wants to be carried into the oratory so as to be near the martyrs. In the Latin Vita 66 (Rampolla, p. 38), Melania asks her priest (Gerontius) to enter the martyrium that adjoined her cell to offer the oblation.

49. Socrates, , Ecclesiastica Historia 7. 47 (Hussey, 2:838);Google ScholarJohn, of Nikiou, , Chronicon 87 (Zotenberg, p. 470).Google Scholar

50. Socrates, , Ecclesiastica Historia 7. 44 (Hussey, 2:832–833, has the wrong date);Google ScholarMarcellinus, , Chronicon, a. 437 (Mommsen, p. 79);Google ScholarChronicon Paschale, a. 437 (Dindorf, 1:582).Google Scholar

51. Socrates, , Ecclesiastica Historia 7. 47 (Hussey, 2:838).Google Scholar Concerning the cross Eudocia took for the church of the Ascension, see Rufus, John, Plerophoria 11 (Nau, p. 27).Google Scholar

52. Socrates, , Ecclesiastica Historica 7. 47 (Hussey, 2:838).Google Scholar

53. Evagrius, , Historia Ecclesiae 1. 20 (Bidez and Parmentier, pp. 28–29).Google Scholar

54. Ibid. 1. 21 (Bidez and Parmentier, p. 29).

55. When relations reached the breaking point in the early 440s, Eudocia left for Palestine, never to return to Constantinople. Her absence from the ceremony for the deposition of John Chrysostom's remains in January 438 may point in the direction of her disfavor. Theodoret, , Historia Ecclesiastica 5. 36 (Parmentier, p. 339).Google Scholar For a perceptive discussion of the power politics at work in the relations of Pulcheria and Eudocia, see Holum, Theodosian Empresses, especially chap. 4; and idem, “Puicheria's Crusade,” pp. 169–170. An alternate hypothesis is that Eudocia may have left already for Palestine; her visit in Antioch and other cities might account for the length of time it took her to reach her destination. For the deposition ceremony, see also Proclus, , Oratio 20 (Migne, PG 65. 827–834);Google ScholarSocrates, , Ecclesiastica Historia 7. 45 (Hussey, 2:834);Google ScholarMarcellinus, , Chronicon, a. 438. 2 (Mommsen, p. 79).Google Scholar

56. Vita Melaniae 58 (Gorce, p. 242);Google Scholar Rampolla, p. 239.

57. Vita Melaniae 56 (Gorce, p. 238);Google Scholar see n. 31 above.

58. Vita Melaniae 50 (Gorce, p. 224).Google Scholar On Volusian, see Chastagnol, André, “Le Sénateur Volusien et la conversion d'une famille de l'aristocratie romaine au Bas-Empire,” Revue des Etudes Anciennes 58 (1956):241–253.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On Augustine's efforts in 412 to win Volusian, then proconsul of Africa, for Christianity, see Augustine, epp. 132 and 137; for Volusian to Augustine, ep. 135; and for Marcellinus's involvement, epp. 136 and 138.

59. Vita Melaniae 55 (Gorce, p. 236).Google Scholar The names Eudocia and Eudoxia are sometimes confused in the two versions of the Vita.

60. Ibid. 56 (Gorce, p. 238).

61. Ibid. 54 (Gorce, p. 232).

62. Cyril, of Scythopolis, , Vita S. Euthymii 30 (Schwartz, pp. 47–49);Google ScholarCallistus, Nicephorus, Ecclesiasticae Historiae 15. 13 (MignePG 147. 40–41);Google ScholarJohn, of Nikiou, , Chronicon 87 (Zotenberg, pp. 473–474).Google Scholar Perhaps the mention of the specifically anti-Nestorian tone of Melania's instruction was an addition either by the author of the text, a Monophysite, or by the transcriber of the Greek text; the Latin Vita omits it. Melania died before the Monophysite controversy reached its peak.

63. Vita Melaniae 56 (Gorce, p. 238).Google Scholar

64. Ibid. 57, 58 (Gorce, p. 240).

65. Ibid. 58 (Gorce, pp. 240, 242). Compare Rampolla, p. 239.

66. For this obscure saint, see the panegyric of Asterius of Amasea (Migne, PG 40. 300–313Google Scholar), and Van de Vorst, C. and Peeters, Paulus, “Saint Phocas,” Analecta Bollandiana 30 (1911): 252–295.CrossRefGoogle ScholarVita Petri Hiberi 106–109 (Raabe, pp. 101–102)Google Scholar mentions the relics of Phocas as associated with the Sidon area.

67. Matthew, 15:27; Vita Melaniae 58 (Gorce, p. 242).Google Scholar

68. Ibid. 58 (Gorce, p. 244).

69. Ibid.

70. Ibid. 64 (Gorce, p. 258; Rampolla, p. 37).

71. Ibid. 59 (Gorce, p. 244; Rampolla, p. 33). The texts are unclear as to whether the incident happened on Olivet or elsewhere. In addition, the Latin text makes the Anastasis and Melania's martyrium sound like one and the same place. See Gorce, p. 245, n. 2; Rampolla, pp. 239–240.

72. Vita Melaniae 59 (Gorce, p. 244; Rampolla, p. 33).Google Scholar Eudocia may have been staying at or near the Anastasis. See Vincent and Abel, p. 192, for a description of quarters for pilgrims at the church. Eudocia's association with the church of the Anastasis is commemorated in an inscription taken from an unknown church in Constantinople. It represents her as worshiping at the tomb of the one who “died as man but lives as God,” namely at the sepulchre of Jesus in the Anastasis. Epigrammatum Anthologia Palatina 1. 105 (ed. Frederic, Dübner, 3 vols. [Paris, 1864], 1:12).Google Scholar

73. The anti-Pelagian touch is found only in the Latin version of Vita Melaniae 59 (Rampolla, p. 33).Google Scholar

74. Ibid. 59 (Gorce, p. 244).

75. Ibid. 11–13 (Gorce, pp. 146–154).

76. Doublet, G., “Inscriptions de Paphlagonie,” Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 13 (1889): 295.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

77. Ibid., p. 294.

78. The abbreviations of the empress's name and the date are considered suspect. Ibid., p. 295; Rampolla, p. 240.

79. Marcellinus, , Chronicon, a. 439. 2 (Mommsen, p. 80);Google Scholar see also Theophanes, , Chronographia, a.m. 5945 (deBoor, 1:106);Google ScholarCallistus, Nicephorus, Ecclesiasticae Historiae 15. 14 (Migne, PG 147. 41).Google Scholar The evidence is uncertain as to the date the church was built: Janin, Raymond says only “by 450” in Le Géographie ecclésiastique de l'Empire Byzantin, vol. 1. 3Google Scholar, Les Eglises et les monastères, 2d ed. (Paris, 1969), pp. 301–302.Google Scholar Holum, Theodosian Empresses, chap. 6, postulates that Pulcheria built the church in the early 440s when she was in retirement in the Hebdomen palace. The church was located in a district called “Pulcheriana” after Pulcheria's numerous foundations there. See Papadopulos, Jean, “L'Eglise de Saint Laurent et les Pulchériana,” Studi Bizantini 2 (1927):59–60.Google Scholar

80. Socrates, , Ecclesiastica Historia 7. 47 (Hussey, 2:838);Google ScholarEvagrius, , Historia Ecclesiae 1. 21 (Bidez and Parmentier, p. 29).Google Scholar For the cross she took for the church of the Ascension, see Rufus, John, Plerophoria 11 (Nau, p. 105).Google Scholar Eudocia also returned home with Barsauma's cloak; see Nau, , “Résumé,” p. 117.Google Scholar

81. Vita Petri Hiberi 33 (Raabe, p. 37).Google Scholar

82. Peter the Iberian possessed relics of the Persian Martyrs. Ibid. 17, 18–19, 22, 23 (Raabe, pp. 25–26, 28, 29). In all likelihood, the bones of the Persian Martyrs deposited on Olivet were the ones Peter had brought with him to Jerusalem. Ibid. 32–33 (Raabe, p. 37).

83. Ibid. 33 (Raabe, p. 37).

84. Cyril, , ep. 70 (Migne, PG 77. 341).Google Scholar

85. Abel, , “Saint Cyrille,” p. 222.Google Scholar Abel thinks the official mentioned was appointed to carry messages between Theodosius in Constantinople and Eudocia in Palestine; as he passed through Antioch, the messenger was asked to take a petition to Cyril in Palestine (p. 224).

86. John, of Nikiou, , Chronicon 87 (Zotenberg, p. 470).Google Scholar

87. Paulus Peeters, review of “Le Lieu du martyre de Saint Etienne” by Lagrange, M. -J., in Analecta Bollandiana 24 (1905):137.Google Scholar

88. D'Alès, p. 449. In the prologue to the Vita Melaniae, the recipient of the account is called a “holy priest” and “your holiness” (Gorce, pp. 124, 126). For Abel's explanation, see Abel, , “Saint Cyrille,” p. 225, n. 50.Google Scholar On Dioscorus's persecution of Cyril's inheritors, see the letter of one of the nephews, Athanasius, to the Synod of Chalcedon, in Mansi, , Sacrorum Conciliorum, 6. 1021–1028;Google Scholar also see Liberatus, , Breviarium 10 (Migne, PL 68. 992), and Goubert, pp. 309–311.Google Scholar

89. Abel, , “Saint Cyrille,” p. 225, n. 50.Google Scholar

90. Vita Melaniae 34 (Gorce, p. 190).Google Scholar

91. At the scene of Melania's death, someone present is called simply “the bishop.” Ibid. 67 (Gorce, p. 264). Since the person is praised as theophilestatos, Juvenal's claim to be this unidentified person is open to doubt. In Codex Parisinus 1553, fol. 286–301, the bishop mentioned is called the bishop of Eleutheropolis, who arrives with his clergy (see Migne, PG 116. 792; and n. 28 above). However, Honigmann, p. 228, n. 23, thinks the person is Juvenal.

92. Vita Petri Hiberi 32, 52 (Raabe, pp. 36, 53).Google Scholar

93. For a discussion of the evidence, see Honigmann, p. 242.

94. Vita Petri Hiberi 52 (Raabe, p. 53).Google Scholar It was the Palestinian monks and clergy who drove J uvenal from his see.

95. On the wedding date, see Marcellinus, , Chronicon, a. 437 (Mommsen, p. 79);Google ScholarChronicon Paschale, a. 437 (Dindorf, 1:582).Google Scholar On the date of her return, see Marcellinus, , Chronicon, a. 439. 2 (Mommsen, p. 82).Google Scholar

96. Lagrange, M. -J., “Le Lieu du martyre de Saint Etienne,” Revue Biblique, n.s. 1 (1904):468–471;Google Scholar considered by Leclercq, , “Etienne,” DACL 5, pt. 1, col. 651.Google Scholar

97. Vailhé, Simeon, “Les Monastères et les églises Saint-Etienne à Jérusalem,” Echos d'Orient 8 (1905):85.Google Scholar See also Leclerq, , “Etienne,” DACL 5, pt. 1, col. 670;Google ScholarPeeters, Paulus, review of Lagrange's “Le Lieu,” 136–137.Google Scholar Vailhé assumes that the relics of Stephen deposited were those from Sion, not ones Eudocia owned personally.

98. Vincent and Abel, fasc. 4. 747–748.

99. Ibid., fasc. 4. 748; Gerontius, , Vita Melaniae 64 (Gorce, p. 254).Google ScholarRufus, John, Plerophria 79 (Nau, pp. 135–136)Google Scholar, provides evidence that there was a martyrium to Saint Stephen and Saint John in Jerusalem before Chalcedon.

100. Vincent and Abel, fasc. 4. 749–750; Cyril of Scythopolis, , Vita S. Euthymii 35 (Schwartz, p. 54).Google Scholar Among those who argue that the church was not dedicated until Eudocia's return to orthodoxy is Lagrange, , Saint Etienne, p. 69.Google Scholar

101. Pseudo-Basil, , Homilia 41 (Migne, PG 85. 469).Google Scholar

102. Vincent and Abel, fasc. 4. 748. Honigmann, pp. 226–227, wishes to distinguish the church of Juvenal mentioned by Pseudo-Basil (Migne, PG 85. 469) from the church Juvenal and Eudocia undertook together, the church that was dedicated on 15 June 460.

103. Vita Melaniae 57 (Gorce, p. 240).Google Scholar

104. Vita Petri Hiberi 29 (Raabe, p. 34).Google Scholar

105. Ibid. 31 (Raabe, p. 35).

106. Ibid. 27–28 (Raabe, pp. 32–33).

107. Martyr, Antoninus, Perambulatio 25 (Tobler, 1:105);Google ScholarEvagrius, , Historia Ecclesiae 1. 22 (Bidez and Parmentier, p. 32).Google Scholar For other relics in Eudocia's church, see Robert, L., Tod, M. N., and Ziebarth, E., eds., Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, vol. 8Google Scholar, Palaestina (Lyons, 1937), inscription 192, p. 28.Google Scholar

108. On Pulcheria, see Goubert; see also Schwartz, Eduard, “Die Kaiserin Pulcherie auf der Synod von Chalkedon,” Festgabe für Adolf Jülicher (Tübingen, 1927), pp. 203–212.Google Scholar To the Monophysites, Pulcheria's support of Chalcedon was a sign she was unfaithful to her religion. See Rufus, John, Plerophoria 3 (Nau, pp. 14–15).Google ScholarJohn, of Nikiou, , Chronicon 87 (Zotenberg, p. 471)Google Scholar, calls Pulcheria “perverse,” a covert supporter of Flavian.

109. Acts 7:48.

110. Gerontius, , Vita Melaniae 64 (Gorce, pp. 258, 260).Google Scholar

111. Ibid. 70 (Gorce, p. 270).