For the most part, the history of Communist Party activity in Guangxi before 1949 is one of modest success in difficult circumstances. Guangxi was the home base of one of the most formidable military factions of the Kuomintang. In association with Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi), provincial leaders Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi and Huang Shaoxiong – the “Guangxi Clique” – played a major part in planning and executing the April 1927 Party purge and thereafter, throughout the Republican era, proved bitter opponents of communism.

The years 1927 and 1928 are crucial in the history of the Chinese Communist Movement. But because of the lack of primary source material in the past, these years have not received adequate attention from scholars, and therefore have not been well understood. In contrast, the years up to 1927 have received extensive scholarly treatment, because of the availability of key policy documents for the Communist movement during that period. Similar conditions apply concerning the study of the movement beginning in 1930. Rich primary materials exist illuminating internal policy debates and political struggles that helped shaped Communist programmes and actions during those later years.

The Civil War period from 1945 to 1949 is one of the least studied periods in Chinese Communist history. Even such fundamental facts as the formal organizational structure of the Party and government and holders of official positions in the leadership have not been well established. Nor has one of the most important policies of the Party at the time, agrarian reform, been sufficiently investigated. The alleged leadership split over important policy issues in the period constitutes another area which deserves more scholarly attention than has been given.

Wu Kuei-hsien is a miracle of the modern age. She, like millions of her generation and generations before her, was born to poverty. Childhood she survived by gathering cinders to sell. Work evolved, and Liberation brought rewards. By the age of 25 she was received by Chairman Mao at the Gate of Heavenly Peace in Peking and graced there with the title, “labour heroine.” In her early 30s she was promoted to the Central Committee, an inner circle of Party leadership. By her late 30s she became China's first woman vice-premier.

Unlike the Bolshevik revolution, the Chinese revolution had little impact on the Indian nationalist elite. The liberation of the working class from the shackles of capitalism in Russia had stirred the minds of many leaders of the Indian nationalist movement, including Nehru. The liberation of the masses of the peasantry from the shackles of feudalism in China had no comparable impact. The Indian Communist Party (CPI) hailed the Chinese revolution as an epoch-making event, but continued to regard the Soviet Union as the fountainhead of doctrinal as well as tactical directions.

Taiwan entered the international spotlight in 1996. No longer seen as just an economic powerhouse and diplomatic dilemma, the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROCOT) caught international attention in two new dimensions: politics and security. In March the ROCOT's first ever direct presidential election took place against the backdrop of unprecedented military coercion from the People's Republic of China (PRC). The world watched nervously as Taiwan's presidential candidates campaigned while Chinese missiles landed near the island's two major ports and air and naval forces of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) held live-fire exercises in the Taiwan Strait.

Early in 1957, an event perhaps unparalleled in the world of letters was reported from China. A new monthly magazine, Shih-k'an (Poetry), made its appearance in February of that year, its inaugural issue including a collection of eighteen poems by Mao Tse-tung. The appearance of Mao's poetry was not in itself an exceptional event. From ancient times down to recent decades, Chinese statesmen and military leaders have often displayed talent in the writing of poetry; and it appeared that Mao Tse-tung was carrying on the established tradition of a long line of strong rulers in China who desired to impress the world that they were not only victorious conquerors and vigorous administrators, but also accomplished artists.

The Resolutions of the Tsunyi Conference published recently in The China Quarterly will not fail to attract the attention of all those who take an interest in the history of the Chinese revolution. The importance of this document is indeed evident. It constitutes one of the missing links, and not the least, in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. With this document serving as a junction, one can henceforth make one's way through the Juichin-Tsunyi-Yenan stretch of the “Chinese way to communism” if not with a great deal more comfort, then at least with a little less uneasiness.