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The Founding of the Sino-Albanian Entente*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Daniel Tretiak
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Extract

During the past several years, changes have occurred within the Communist bloc which have led to important institutional and political developments. A prominent example of these changes has been the shift in economic and political ties which characterised Albania's relations with the Soviet Union. The Albanians have joined with the Chinese to form the first apparently successful fraction within the Communist world despite great geographic separation and strong Russian coercion. Notwithstanding harsh Russian political and economic pressure, the leaderships of China and of Albania have persisted in their rigidity. It remains to be seen what factors led to this unusual entente within an international movement which China and Albania have continuously maintained must be characterised by “steel-like unity.” For ironically, through their actions, they have definitely weakened that unity. It is the purpose herein to describe what issues and events in Soviet-Albanian relations caused Albania to turn to the CPR for major political and economic support, as well as to show how the accession of a small ally in Eastern Europe has proved to be of importance to the Chinese.

Type
China and the Balkans
Information
The China Quarterly , Volume 10 , April 1962 , pp. 123 - 143
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1962

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References

1 The Russian Albanian Trade pact for 1961, signed earlier than most previous ones, anticipated a 7 per cent, increase in trade between the two countries. However, there has been little or no information in the Albanian press about the arrival of Russian ships at Dürrës, although this used to occur frequently. (See, for example, Tirana Radio, Home Service, 08 2, 1955Google Scholar, and Tirana Radio, Home Service, 12 9, 1955.Google Scholar) Reports from Western observers in Italy in summer 1961 noted increased purchases there of capital goods normally bought from the Soviet Union. The cash to purchase these items has doubtless come from the Chinese. Moreover, the Canadian Minister of Agriculture announced in the summer of 1961 that 6,000 tons of Canadian wheat purchased by the CPR in Canada were being sent to Albania directly.

2 Dedijer, V., Tito (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), p. 311.Google Scholar

3 Tirana Radio, Home Service, 09 28, 1955.Google Scholar

4 The report of the first day of the May 1961 spy-trial in Tirana reiterated Albanian charges that an attempt was made in 1956 to overthrow Hoxha. (Tirana, Albanian Telegraphic Agency in French Morse to Europe, 05 15, 1961.)Google Scholar

A Zeri i Popullit editorial, “The Great Force of the Historic Decisions of the Twentieth CPSU Congress,” transmitted by Tirana Radio, Home Service, 07 4, 1956Google Scholar, noted that “certain persons in certain people's democracies… attacked Communist and Workers' Parties and their leaders and lied about the Soviet Union and the Socialist system. Indeed, was it not the same thing which certain hostile elements who dared raise their heads at the Tirana Town Party Conference, but who received the answer they deserved from the Party, also wanted to do in our own country?”

5 Hoxha, Enver, “Marxism-Leninism Teaches that the people are the Creators of History,” in Zeri i Popullit, as broadcast by Tirana Radio, Home Service, 04 14, 1956.Google Scholar

6 From Hoxha's speech before the opening session of the Third Congress of the Albanian Labour Party; (Tirana Radio, Home Service, 04 25, 1956Google Scholar). It must be noted here that Soviet Union delegate Prospelov's greetings to the Congress, while praising Albania for its progress, only mentioned Hoxha's name once; greetings from the CPSU did not mention him at all. (Moscow, Teas in English Hellschreiber to: Europe, 05 26, 1956.)Google Scholar

7 Bashkimi, 09 19, 1956, p. 1.Google Scholar

8 See Bashklmi for 09 19, 1956, p. 4Google Scholar; September 22, 1956, p. 4, and September 23, 1956, pp. 2 and 4.

9 Ibid., September 28, 1956, p. 1.

10 Ibid., September 26, 1956, p. 1.

11 Ibid., September 28, 1956, p. 1.

12 Ibid., October 9, 1956, p. 1.

13 Tirana Radio, Home Service, 11 9, 1956.Google Scholar

14 Belgrade Radio, Home Service, 11 15, 1956.Google Scholar

15 See, for example, Moscow Soviet European Service in Serbo-Croat, November 19, 1956; also the article by Smole, Joze, “Comrade Tito's Speech as interpreted by Tass,” Borba, 11 21, 1956.Google Scholar

16 Zeri i Popullit editorial, “In Connection with the speech recently delivered by Josip Broz Tito,” transmitted by Tirana, Home Radio, 11 23, 1956.Google Scholar

17 See for instance Tirana Radio, Home Service, February 28, 1956.

18 According to Xhabija, R., “Toward Great Development of the Petroleum Industry,” Rruga e Partis (Road of the Party), IV: 12 (12 1957), pp. 42–50Google Scholar, the following progress was reported: “During 1956 and the first six months of 1957, the oil-producing area at Patos was extended considerably, quantitatively. One oil field has grown to several. With the drilling of well number 542, a source of oil was discovered that has great possibilities for the further development of the oil industry in our country. We can say without hesitation that the oil pumped from this source has opened a new period in the development of our people's economy, and makes it possible to produce and surpass the plan of 1960 in 1957. It makes it possible to produce four times as much oil in 1960 as is specified by the plan.… Thus our country will meet its need for fuel, and will export considerable amounts of fuel.… Besides, the source of well 542, work for more discoveries of oil is going on at Cakran, Peshkan, Ardenice, Stalin works, etc. Preliminary geological investigations show that other petroleum sources exist in these areas.”

Evidence indicates that trouble developed in the oil industry in 1958; it is quite possible that these difficulties were not unconnected with the increasing political differences which were developing between Russia and Albania.

19 For example, the 1956 Sino-Albanian trade protocol showed that Albania only supplied China with copper, tobacco and cotton. (Survey of the China Mainland Press (SCMP), No. 1249:26–27, 03 16, 1956Google Scholar); that of 1958 showed ou as a new item traded to China, as did that for 1960. (SCMP, No. 1733:46, 03 18, 1958.)Google Scholar

20 Dogonadze, R. I., Sel'skoye Khozyaystvo Albanii (Albanian Agriculture), (Moscow: State Publishing House for Agricultural Literature, 1957), p. 2Google Scholar, as translated by U.S. Joint Publications Research Service, JPRS, No. 6622 (03 2, 1961)Google Scholar; this Russian author frankly stated in a review of the Albanian economy that “the most important aspect of the development of Albania's economy is its agriculture and it is entirely in conformity with this that the Labour Party and the government of Albania are devoting their unremitting attention to raising agricultural standards.”

Despite an active interest in improving agricultural productivity, the Albanian leadership has consistently advocated an emphasis first on industrial development A. Uci, “The General Principles and the Specific Characteristics of Socialist Revolution and Socialist Construction,” Rruga e Partite, II: 2 (02 1958), pp. 32–43Google Scholar noted that: “Marxism… considers it possible that, with the world successes of the world Socialist system, the countries which have small resources should not begin socialist industrialisation with heavy industry and for a certain period should base their economic development on the heavy industry of other Socialist countries. [However], under the concrete conditions in Albania, Socialist industrialisation could not begin with the machine building industry because this would have been impossible as a result of the small material and human resources of the country. On the other hand Albania began and is developing industrialisation at a time when the Soviet Union exists as a great industrial power which is able to supply Albania with machinery and industrial supplies under very favourable conditions, without the need of developing the machine-building industry (in Albania). But this characteristic of Socialist industrialisation in Albania does not eliminate the necessity of Socialist industrialisation in all the economically backward countries which enter the road of Socialist building” (my italics).

21 There is also some evidence that in return for Russian aid, Albania “paid more than it would have, had Soviet export values toward Free Europe applied to its trade.… Hungary and Albania always had a relatively greater disadvantage in Soviet export prices than did [other East European countries.]” as cited in Horst Menderhausen. “The Terms of Soviet Satellite Trade; A Broadened Analysis,” The Rand Corp., 07 27, 1960, p. 23.Google Scholar

22 Bashkimi, 01 12, 1958. p. 1.Google Scholar

23 Tirana Radio, Home Service, 02 18, 1958.Google Scholar

24 Bashkimi, 03 7, 1958, p. 1.Google Scholar

25 Tirana Radio, Home Service, 06 25, 1958.Google Scholar

26 Quoted from Pei-ching Jih-pao (Peking Daily), 08 19, 1958Google Scholar, by NCNA in English Morse to Jakarta, August 19, 1958.

27 Peking, NCNA, Radioteletype in English to West and North Europe, 10 29, 1958Google Scholar; see also, Peking, NCNA in English Morse to Jakarta, 10 30, 1958.Google Scholar

28 Bashkimi, 12 17, 1958, p. 1.Google Scholar

28a Tass, , 12 16, 1958.Google Scholar

29 Bashkimi, 12 17, 1958, p. 1.Google Scholar

30 Compare: Moscow, Soviet European Service in Serbo-Croat, January 2, 1959, with Red Flag (Hung Ch'i) carried by NCNA in English to East Asia, 01 2, 1959.Google Scholar

31 For reports of the trip to East Germany, see Berlin, East German Home Service, January 7, 1959, and Tirana, Albanian Telegraphic Agency, January 12, 1959; for the visit to Czechoslovakia, see Prague, CTK Radio and Telegraph in English to Europe January 12, 1959.

32 Belgrade Radio, Serbian Home Service, January 15, 1959.

33 Peking, NCNA in English Morse to Pyongyang, January 16, 1959.

34 Bashkimi, 01 17, 1959, p. 1.Google Scholar

35 Ibid., January 27, 1959, p. 1.

36 Tass, , 02 6, 1959.Google Scholar

37 Tirana, Home Radio, 02 16, 1959.Google Scholar

38 Zeri i Popullit editorial, “The Albanian People Contemptuously Reject the Vile Accusations of the Yugoslav Revisionists,” transmitted by Radio, Tirana, Home Service, 02 24, 1959.Google Scholar

39 Zeri i Popullit editorial, “Revisionism is American Imperialism's Weapon Against Freedom and Independence of Afro-Asian Nations,” transmitted by Tirana, Home Radio, 02 20, 1959.Google Scholar

40 Peking, NCNA in English Hellschreiber to East Asia, March 12, 1959.

41 Moscow, Soviet European Service in Serbo-Croat, , 03 12, 1959.Google Scholar

42 Particularly vindictive was “On Tito's Tour of Asia and Africa,” an editorial in Jen-nun Jih-pao (People's Daily), transmitted by NCNA, 03 18, 1959Google Scholar, and carried in Bashkimt, 03 20, 1959, p. 4.Google Scholar

43 Bashkimi, 03 22, 1959, p. 1.Google Scholar

44 Tirana, Albanian Telegraphic Agency in French Morse to Europe, 04 4, 1959.Google Scholar

45 Tirana Radio, Home Service, 04 1, 1959.Google Scholar

46 Bashkimi, 04 3, 1959, p. 4.Google Scholar

47 Ibid., April 14, 1959, p. 1.

48 Ibid., April 15, 1959, p. 1.

49 Ibid., April 25, 1959, p. 1.

50 Zeri i Popullit, 04 29, 1959, p. 1.Google Scholar

51 Bashkimi, 04 17, 1959, p. 1.Google Scholar While several Eastern European newspapers gave wide-coverage to Khrushchev's birthday, Bashkimi merely reprinted the 230-word greeting of the Albanian Communists on page 1, without comment.

52 Bashkimi, 05 13, 1959, p. 1.Google Scholar

53 Moscow Radio, Soviet European Service in Serbo-Croat, May 15, 1959.

54 Bashkimi, 05 14, 1959, p. 1.Google Scholar

55 Tirana Radio, Home Service, 05 16, 1959.Google Scholar

56 Tirana Radio, Home Service; 05 25, 1959Google Scholar, for the report of the Khrushchev arrival.

57 Bashkimi, 05 27, 1959, p. 4Google Scholar; Bashkimi, 05 28, 1959, pp. 1–3.Google Scholar David A. Charles in “The Dismissal of Marshal P'eng Teh-huai” (The China Quarterly, No. 8) suggests that much uncertainty surrounds P'eng's position at the time of his trip to Eastern Europe. It would appear that in April–June 1959, P'eng was not committed irrevocably to an open challenge to Mao, and in Albanian eyes he represented Chinese support against Khrushchev. It is just conceivable that the Albanians may have felt that the Marshal was suspiciously friendly with Khrushchev in Tirana and commented on this to the Chinese.

58 At a meeting in Moscow, Khrushchev reported that he had had “a pleasant meeting and conversation” with P'eng while in Albania (Moscow, Soviet Home Service, June 6,1959). However, no communiqué was issued about that meeting in Russian, Albanian or Chinese papers.

59 Those charged with attempting to overthrow the Hoxha government at the May 1961 Tirana Trial were accused of being “members of a hostile organisation which proposed to overthrow the popular government and to subject the Albanian people to the power of foreign states by means of an armed insurrection to be carried out with the direct participation of the armed forces of the monarcho-fascist cliques, the seditionist Yugoslavs, and the U.S. Sixth Fleet, as well as by the action of armed bands which were to be introduced in advance on the territory of the A.P.R. and of armed units which would have been set up by this organisation.” (Tirana ATA in French to Europe, May 16, 1961.)

60 For a description of the most recent developments, see Zagoria, Donald S., “Khrushchev's Attack on Albania and Sino-Soviet Relations,” The China Quarterly, No. 8.Google Scholar

61 See ibid.

62 See Peking Review, Nos. 1 and 3, 1962.Google Scholar