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Red Song: Social Democratic Music and Radicalism at the End of the Weimar Republic

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Richard Bodek
Richard Bodek
Affiliation:
COLLEGE OF CHARLESTON
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Extract

Germany's interwar Social Democratic movement was anything but the monolithic structure often presented in the literature. Indeed, the standard teleology—which portrays the movement as conservative and petit bourgeois, doing its best to fend off Nazism, but ultimately not up to the task—obscures more than it illuminates. It imposes a top-down frame on the Social Democratic Party (SPD), that characterizes it and its affiliates as an undifferentiated mass, making a nuanced analysis difficult. As is true of most political movements, interwar German Social Democracy presented multiple faces to the world. While its core was a political party that worked to win elections, the SPD also formed the heart of an alternative culture, one that allowed its largely working-class membership to take part in cultural and social functions, as well as in political meetings to express class solidarity.

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Articles
Information
Central European History , Volume 28 , Issue 2 , June 1995 , pp. 209 - 227
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 1995

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References

1. A very good recent work that explores the many different faces of Social Democracy is Harsch, Donna, Weimar Social Democracy and the Rise of Nazism (Chapel Hill, 1993).Google Scholar

2. Historians who have radically different interpretations of the Social Democratic movement often fall into this trap. In this regard, one could contrast the work of Heinrich August Winkler and Hartmann Wunderer. In many ways they share the same analysis, but with opposing political interpretations. Winkler believes that the SPD could not have done other than what it did. In his view the SPD was not at fault for the collapse of the Weimar Republic, as any leftward drift would have simply alienated its moderate support. Wunderer views the Weimar SPD and its cultural organizations at having succumbed to petit embourgeoisement, in other words, having failed to live up to its own political standards. For Winkler's work, see his magisterial three-volume history of the labor movement in theGoogle ScholarRepublic, Weimar, Von der Revolution zur Stabilisierung. Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Republik 1918 bis 1924 (Berlin and Bonn, 1985),Google ScholarDer Schein der Normalität. Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Republik 1924 bis 1930 (Berlin and Bonn, 1985),Google ScholarDer Weg in die Katastrophe. Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Republic 1930 bis 1933 (Berlin and Bonn, 1987).Google Scholar For Wunderer's account, see: Arbeitervereine und Arbeiterparteien. Kultur- und Massenorganisationen in der Arbeiterbewegung (1890–1933). (Frankfurt and New York, 1980).Google Scholar

3. The phrase, alternative culture, is borrowed from Vernon Lidtke's crucial work, The Alternative Culture: The Socialist Labor Movement in Imperial Germany (New York, 1985).Google Scholar Among other important works on the culture of German Social Democracy are Wilfried van der Will, and Burns, Rob, Arbeiterkulturbewegung in der Weimarer Republik. Eine historischtheoretische Analyse der kulturellen Bestrebungen der sozialdemokratisch organisierten Arbeiterschaft (Frankfurt am Main, 1982) and its companion volume of documentary material,Google ScholarArbeiterkulturbewegung in der Weimarer Republik. Texte—Dokumente—Bilder (Frankfurt am Main, 1982).Google Scholar More recent is Guttsman, W. L., Workers' Culture in Weimar Germany: Between Tradition and Commitment (New York, 1990).Google Scholar Historians from the former GDR frequently claimed that Social Democratic culture often substituted for political activity. For example, see Lammel, Inge, “Die Herausbildung der proletarisch-revolutionären Musik in Deutschland,” Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. Gesellschaftsund Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe 2, (1962): 193–200Google Scholar and “Zur Rolle und Bedeutung des Arbeiterliedes,” Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung 3 (1962): 726–42.Google Scholar

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9. Van der Will and Burns compare the two festivals discussed below, but reach very different conclusions. They believe that the SPD choral movement only became politicized as Weimar's political and economic climate worsened. See van der Will and Burns, Arbeiterkulturbewegung in der Weimarer Republik, 108–14.

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20. The issue of repertoire and roles for women in socialist culture still needs a great deal of research. For a preliminary study, see Hobsbawm, Eric, “Man and Woman: Images on the Left,” reprinted in Eric Hobsbawm, Workers: Worlds of Labor (New York, 1984), 83–102.Google Scholar

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23. Anon., , untitled article printed under the heading, “Schluss des Arbeitersängerfestes,” Vorwärts, 19 June 1928 (evening).Google Scholar

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33. In Berlin alone, in June 1931, of 1,437,000 employable persons, 484,000 were unemployed, approximately 33.7 percent. By February 1932 this figure leaped to 47.6 percent. Reithinger, Anton, “Stand und Ursachen der Arbeitslosigkeit in Deutschland,” Vierteljahrshefte zur Konjunkturforschung, special issue 29 (Berlin, 1932): 13, reprinted in Winkler, Der Weg in die Katastrophe, table 4, 65.Google Scholar

34. In the Reichstag elections of September 1930, the SPD's vote dropped to 24.5 percent of the total; more alarming was the growth of the Nazi vote from a mere 2.6 percent in 1928 to 18.3 percent. See Winkler, Der Weg in die Katastrophe, 189.

35. Trautmann, Otto, “Arbeitersänger-Bundesfeste. Rückblick und Ausblick,” Deutsche Arbeiter-Sängerzeitung (15 September 1930): 101.Google Scholar

36. Ibid., 101.

37. Schneider, Paul, “Wie wir wurden… Eine Rückschau in die Entwicklung des Arbeitergesanges in Berlin und seiner Umgebung,” DAS Festschrift. Feierstunden der Arbeitersänger 3–10. Mai 1931 in Berlin. 40 Jahre Gau Berlin, 15–18. Housed in the Akademie der Künste zu Berlin, (formerly Akademie der Künste der DDR) Arbeiterliederarchiv. M2a/6.Google Scholar

38. “Wir waren—wir sind—wir werden bleiben—Die Feldmusik der Kämpfenden Arbeiterschaft!,” reprinted on p. 24 of the festival's program, Feierstunden der Arbeitersänger. Festschrift des Deutschen Arbeiter-Sängerbundes Gau Berlin und Umgegend. 3. bis 10. Mai 1931, housed in the Institute für deutsche und ausländische Arbeiterliteratur, 79/45, (Dortmund).Google Scholar

39. Luxemburg, Rosa, “Die Ordnung herrscht in Berlin,” Die Rote Fahne, 14 January 1919.Google Scholar Reprinted in Luxemburg, Rosa, Ausgewählte politische Schriften in drei Bänden, vol. 3, (Frankfurt am Main, 1971), 303–8.Google Scholar

40. These figures are mentioned in passing in H. M., “Die Jubiläumsfeste der Arbeitersänger. Festakt in der Philharmonie,” Vorwärts, 11 May 1931 (evening).Google Scholar

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44. Parts of Schneider's speech were reported in Ibid., and H. M., “40 Jahre Arbeitergesang in Berlin. Auftakt zum Gaujubiläum. Jubilarfeier im Saalbau Friedrichshain,” Vorwärts, 4 May 1931 (evening).

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49. Fr. H., “Jubilarfeier im DAS., Gau Berlin, am 3. Mai 1931,” Unser Lied(1 June 1931): 46.Google Scholar

50. Fr. H., “Die Festkonzerte. Volkslieder des In- und Auslandes,” Unser Lied ( 1 June 1931): 46. The Berliner Liederfreunde sang Das Volkslied (W. Kienzl), Wanderschaft(Lyra), Der Lindenbaum (Schubert, arranged by Rudorff) and Oberschwäbisches Tanzliedchen (Silcher). The Gesangsgemeinschaft Rosebery d'Arguto performed Lied der venezianischen Lagunenschiffer (Felix Malden), Ein unberühmter König (a French folk song arranged by d'Arguto), O, Susanne (arranged by d'Arguto), and Gruss aus Sibirien RSFSR (arranged by d'Arguto). All of these arrangements were premieres. The Gemischte Chorgruppe des 6. Bezirks sang Ach herzigs Herz (setting by H. Finck), Drei Laub auf einer Lind (J. von Brant), Der Gutzgauch (Lemlin) and Ich spring an diesem Ringe (Locheimer Liederbuch, arranged by Othegraven).Google Scholar

51. See the program housed in the Arbeiterliederarchiv, Akademie der Künste zu Berlin (formerly Akademie der Künste der DDR), M2a/5.Google Scholar

52. Ibid.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid. So hats euer Volksvertreter entdeckt. Seid ihr bis dahin alle verreckt? The following two lines are added in Tucholsky, Kurt, Gesammelte Werke, Band II, 1925–1928. (Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1961), 19–20. So wird man auf euern Gräbern doch lesen: sie sind immer ruhig und ordentlich gewesen.Google Scholar

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid.

57. Ibid.

58. Ibid.

59. Photocopied article fragment without any apparent author's name (article in my possession, R. B.), “Das Arbeiterlied der Neuzeit,” Unser Lied (1 June 1931): 46.Google Scholar

60. The DASB gave free tickets to the unemployed for the oratorio's dress rehearsal, a gesture which the communist newspaper, Die Rote Fahne, chose to see as an act of derision rather than as one of solidarity. See Zettel, W., “Arbeitersänger vor die Front! Uthmannlieder verboten. Reformisten des DAS und Polizei Arm in Arm—Trennung der Geschlechter,” Die Rote Fahne, 15 April 1931.Google Scholar

61. The various versions of Die Massnahme, a number of contemporary reviews, and a summary of the political controversy surrounding the play are reprinted in Bertolt Brecht, Die Massnahme. Kritische Ausgabe mit einer Spielanleitung von Reiner Steinweg (Frankfurt am Main, 1972).Google Scholar

62. Anon., “ ‘Die Massnahme’ von ‘Eisler’ und die ‘Massnahme’ des Gauvorstandes Berlin-Brandenburg des DASB, ” Kampfmusik, 1, no. 1: 4ff, reprinted in Brecht, Die Massnahme, 361.

63. The adjectives and the description of the oratorio are taken from Zander, Ernst, Führer durch die weltliche Chorliteratur mit Orchester, part 1, Oratorien und grosse Chorwerke (Berlin, 1930), 23. This guide was published by the DASB to describe choral works to its member choruses.Google Scholar

64. Händels, K. P. “Balsazar.” Festaufführung des DAS in der Neuen Welt,” Vorwärts 10 May 1931 (morning).Google Scholar

65. Anon., , “Massenfest der Arbeitersänger. Sonntag im Stadion Neukölln,” Vorwärts, 8 May 1931 (morning).Google Scholar

66. K. P., “Die 40-Jahr-Feier des DAS. Arbeiter-Festspiels,” Vorwärts, 12 May 1931 (evening).Google Scholar

67. Ibid.

68. The afternoon's program is reprinted (with accommpanying lyrics) in Feierstunden der Arbeitersänger, 21–24, see n. 38.

69. The program consisted of Uthmann's Empor zum Licht, Scherchen's arrangement of the Soviet song, Brüder zur Sonne, Pringsheim's Arbeiterlied, Uthmann's Der Freiheit mein Lied, Englert and Thiessen's, Hebt uns're Fahnen in den Wind, Mussorgsky's Sonnen-Hymne (from Boris Gudonov, arranged by Guttmann), d'Arguto's Märkisches Bauerntanzlied, and his arrangements of Der Nachtigallensang und Froschgequake, and Rheinschifferlied. The afternoon closed with performances of Knöchel's Auftakt, Uthmann's Das Heilige Feuer, and Fried's Erntelied. For the lyrics and individual choruses, see Feierstunden der Arbeitersänger, 21–24, see n. 38.

70. Taken from the program entitled Rotes Lied, housed in the Arbeiterliederarchiv, file 2/1/a., 3.Google Scholar

71. For a detailed discussion, see Gramsci, Antonio, Selections from Cultural Writings (Cambridge, MA, 1985).Google ScholarWilliam's, Raymond discussion of hegemony in Marxism and Literature (Oxford, 1977), esp. 108–14, is very influential to my understanding of the concept.Google Scholar For contradictory but important positions, see Johnson, Richard, “Three Problematics: Elements of a Theory of Working-Class Culture,” in Working Class Culture: Studies in History and Theory, ed. Johnson, Richard et al. , (London, 1979), 201–37 in which Johnson argues that the struggle with capital is the chief definer of working-class culture. See also Perry Anderson, “The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci,” New Left Review 100 (November 1976 and January 1977): 5–78, in which Anderson oversimplifies the concept of hegemony and places the heart of bourgeois power squarely in the realm of production.Google Scholar

72. A great deal of extremely valuable work has been done on everyday life and so-called rough culture. Most of it, however, examines the Kaiserreich. Although some of this history tends to romanticize the revolutionary/hegemonial possibilities inherent in rough culture, this is not true of the best work in the field. One especially valuable element of this work is that it tends to take the SPD, in its attempts to create a new, “socialist man,” to task for missing whatever potential did exist. For a brilliant example of this new “Alltagsgeschichte”,Google Scholar see Brüggemeier, Franz-Josef, Leben vor Ort, Ruhrbergleute und Ruhrbergbau 1889–1919, (Munich, 1984).Google Scholar For a review of this literature see, Eley, Geoff, “Labor History, Social History, Allagsgeschichte. Experience, Culture and the Politics of the Everyday—A New Direction for German Social History?” Journal of Modern History 61, no. 2 (June, 1989): 297–343.CrossRefGoogle Scholar