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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 February 2010
page note 1 a Called sir Edmund Mulso by John Loude, but see the note, p. 4.
page note 1 b Lionel Louthe died Nov. 30, 1471, leaving his widow Katharine possessed of the manor of Bealmes in Sawtrey: see an abstract of his inquisition post mortem in the Appendix. His name occurs as a feoffee in 22 Hen. VI. in Collectanea Topogr. et Geneal. iv. 138.
page note 1 c Roger Lowth was one of the gentry of the county of Huntingdon returned by the commissioners in 12 Hen. VI. List printed in Fuller's Worthies of England
page note 2 a See, however, some further remarks in the Appendix.
page note 2 b The arms of Edward lord Dudley, K.G., were evidently set up as those of a kinsman of whom the family of Louthe was proud. From a similar reason, or as a mark of feudal respect, they were accompanied by those of the earl of Oxford, upon whom the family were doubtless dependent at Castle Hedingham. The coat of Louthe or Lowth is blazoned thus: Sable, a wolf salient argent and in dexter chief a crescent of the second. The first impalement appears to have been intended for Stukeley, the wife of Edmund Louthe (p. 4 ): it was properly Argent, on a fess sable three mullets of the field (as on the monument, p. 6). The fourth coat seems to partake of the like error, in having two bars instead of a fess. The fifth impalement is the same as that impaled on the monument of Moyne below: with a bordure nebulée instead of engrailed it is assigned by Glover to the name of Somayne. See the blazon of Moyne in p. 6.
page note 4 a In the note from the Inquisition on his death, (Inq. 26 Hen. VIII.) “Pro terris in Sawtre, Bealmes man', [et] Stilton,” given in the Visitation 1613, p. 11, his wife is named Thomasine. John Loude (in his Reminiscences hereafter) states that she was Anne, daughter of sir Edmund Mulso. A pencil note in MS. Coll. Arm. Vincent 125, f. 40, makes Anne, daughter and coheir of Thomas Mulso of Newton, the mother of Thomas Louthe. Mr. A. Page, in his “Supplement to the Suffolk Traveller,” 1844, 8vo. p. 91, states that the heiress of Mulso was Anne, only daughter of William Mulso the son of Thomas. Mr. Davy's Suffolk Collections do not clear these discrepancies, but the following notes in them show that the manor of Kettlebers descended from Thomas Mulso to Thomas Lowth:—
”Rentale manerii de Kessingland, fact, ibidem 16 Edw. IV. Imprimis, heredes Thomæ Mulsoe armigeri tenent manerium de Kettlebers, et alia terr. et ten. in Cretingham et Ashfield, et reddunt per ann. de libero redd. Lijs. Vjd.
(At another date.) “De Thoma Lowth pro manerio voc. Ketylburgh haule, lijs. Vjd.” (MS. Addit. 19,096, f. 180.)
page note 4 b See pp. 35–39.
page note 4 c Monument at Cretingham, described hereafter.
page note 4 d Compare pedigree of Blenerhasset in Harvey's Visitation of Suffolk, 1561, and Davy's Suffolk Collections, MS. Addit. 19,118, f. 353.
page note 5 a John Blenerhasset, of Barsham in Suffolk, esquire, brother to Elizabeth the wife of Lionel Louth, married Elizabeth daughter of sir John Cornwallis ; and there were several other alliances between the two families.
page note 5 b The office of groom-porter remained long in the Cornwallis family: the uncles of sir Thomas, Edward and Francis, having been successively groom-porters to queen Elizabeth.
page note 5 c The date of his death does not occur, but it was more than forty years before that of his wife, as is stated in her epitaph.
page note 5 d Suffolk Collections, MS. Addit. 19,096, fol. 187 b, and fol. 193b.
page note 6 a This coat was not Milverton, but Beaumeys, as borne by the ancient family which gave its name to one of the manors of Sawtrey, (Visitation of Huntingdonshire, 1613, p. 16.) The Louths appear to have assumed the quarterings of Moyne and Beaumeys, and the crest of Moyne, whether by any right of blood may be doubted: but see some further remarks on this point in the Appendix.
page note 7 a MS. Addit. 19,096, f. 180.
page note 7 b “1534. Johannes Lowthe de Sawtre, xiiij annorum in festo Nat. (sc. Sancti Johannis Baptistæ.) Lino. Dioc. In margins, recessit Oxon.” Register of Admissions to Winchester College.
page note 8 a See note c below.
page note 8 b Masters, History of Corpus Christi or Bene't College, 1749, 4to. p. 342. A biographical notice of Louthe is there given, derived entirely from Strype, whose sole authority was Louthe's own narrative, which is now before us. Strype, however, fell into more than one misapprehension. He stated (Memorials, vol. i. p. 368,) 1. That “he was a member of Bene't College, and after removed thence to the inns of court;” but Louthe does not tell us that he was himself either a member of Bene't college or of Lincoln's-inn, but merely that he taught mr. Southwell at both places. 2. Strype states that his pupil was “afterwards sir Richard Southwell, a privy counsillor,” à Wood, Louthe certainly went from Winchester to New college, Oxford, and completed his own education at that university. Misled by Strype, Masters has further (at p. 373) claimed sir Richard Southwell as a member of his college, and given a memoir of him accordingly.
page note 8 c His name is printed as “John Londe, LL.B.” in Le Neve's Fasti Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ, edit. Hardy, 1854, ii. 169. The next prebendary mentioned was installed 1581.
page note 8 d “John Lounde, Lanne, or Lownde,” Hardy's Le Neve, i. 609. The next prebendary collated 1578.
page note 8 e Strype, Annals, i. 339.
page note 8 f Willis, Cathedrals, i. 107. He was installed on the 30th June, 1565.
page note 9 a Le Neve's Fasti Eccl. Angl. (edit. Hardy,) i. 193.
page note 9 b “The Bathes of Bathes Ayde: compendiously compiled by John Jones, Phisition, anno Salutis 1572, at Asple hall besydes Nottingam.”
page note 9 c i. e. Buxton. This alludes to the second part of doctor Jones's work, which sets forth “The Benefit of the auncient Bathes of Buckstones.”
page note 14 a Wood's Fasti Oxon. His successor as precentor was appointed in 1608, and his successor as chancellor in 1613. The epitaph of his grandson Zachary Babington esquire, at Whittington near Lichfield, is printed in Shaw's Staffordshire, i. 378.
page note 14 b See pp. 19, 20.
page note 14 c Except in the following brief notice, wherein the writer's name is mistaken, and a Lansdowne MS. is quoted instead of the original in the Harleian collection: “A little before this he received one from Mr. John Lond, containing several new materials for his Martyrology, and insisting more especially on the miserable end of divers Romish priests, as of Dr. Wyllyams, the priest of St. Margaret's Eastchepe, ” Life of John Foxe, by the Rev. George Townsend, M.A. p. 208.
page note 15 a Archdeacon of Winchester: of whom Loude gives some anecdotes hereafter.
page note 15 b At Winchester College.
page note 15 c Above the line is written gra mercy.
page note 16 a “A luske, lowt, lurden, a lubberly sloven,” “Lovanyone luske” intended by Lonthe was probably Alarms Copus, who was a real person (see Wood's Athense Oxonienses, edit. Bliss, i. 455,) but under whose name the more celebrated Nicholas Harpsfleld (archdeacon of Canterbury, and bishop elect of Winchester,) published his Dialogi sex contra Summi Pontificates, Monasticæ Vitæ, Sanctorum, sacrarum Imaginum Oppugnatores et Pseudo-Martyres. Antverpiæ, 1566. The sixth dialogue was especially directed against Foxe's work, and Foxe himself answered it at considerable length in the matter of sir John Oldcastle lord Cobham. To the charge of having uttered “lies” he thus earnestly replied: “This Alarms Copus Anglus contendeth and chafeth against my former edition, to prove me in my historie to be a Iyer, forger, impudent, a misreporter of truth, a depraver of stories, a seducer of the world, and what els not ? whose virulent woordes and contumelious tennes, how well they become his popish person, I knowe not. Certes, for my part, I never deserved this at his hands wittingly, that I do know. Maister Cope is a man whom yet I never saw, and lesse offended, nor ever heard of hym before. * * * * * * And therefore seriously to say unto you (M. Cope) in this matter, where you charge my History of Actes and Monuments so cruelly, to be full of untruthes, false lies, impudent forgeries, depravations, fraudulent corruptions, and feyned fables; briefly and in one word to answere you, not as the Lacones answered to the letters of their adversarie, with si, but with ô si. Would God ( M. Cope) that in all the whole booke of Actes and Monuments, from the beginning to the latter end of the same, were never a true storie, but that all were false, all were lies, and all were fables! Would God the crueltie of your catholikes had suffred all them to live of whose death ye say now that I do lie. Although I deny not but that in that booke of Actes and Monuments, containing such diversitie of matter, some thing might overscape me, yet have I bestowed my poore diligence. My intent was to profit all men, to hurt none.” Edition 1579, p. 559.
page note 18 a This anticipation, which has since been so repeatedly fulfilled, was accomplished shortly after Louthe wrote. The first Abridgement of Foxe's work, by Timothe Bright doctor of phisicke, was printed at London, 1589, in 4to.
page note 18 b This blind boy had already figured in Foxe's narrative of the last days of bishop Hooper. When the bishop was brought to Gloucester on the 8th of February, 1555–6, the day before his suffering at the stake: “The same day, in the after noone, a blinde boy, after long intercession made to the guard, obtained licence to be brought unto master Hooper's speech. The same boy not long afore had suffered imprisonment at Gloucester for confessing the truth. Master Hooper, after he had examined him of his faith, and the cause of his imprisonment, beheld him stedfastly, and (the water appearing in his eyes) said unto him: Ah, poore boy! God hath taken from thee thine outward sight, for what consideration he best knoweth but he hath given thee another sight much more precious, for he hath indued thy soule with the eye of knowledge and faith. God give thee grace continually to pray unto him that thou lose not that sight, for then shouldest thou be blind both in body and soule.” (Folio edition 1641, iii. 153). Subsequently, at p. 702 of the same volume, we read that the blind boy's name was Thomas Drowrie, and that he was finally burned at Gloucester, about the fifth of May 1556, together with Thomas Croker a bricklayer. Foxe has on that occasion introduced the conversation given in the text, “Ex testimo. Io. Lond.” as our author's name is there misprinted.
page note 19 a See p. 20.
page note 19 b “John Tayler, alias Barker, occurs soon after the foundation of the bishopric, and August the 31st, 1569.” (Rudder, Hist. of Gloucestershire, p. 170.) In 1552, the sum of forty marks was settled to be paid yearly to John Tayler, alias Baker, (sic) gent. for keeping the register of the bishop of Gloucester. Strype's Memorials, ii. 357.
page note 19 c — “such usuall articles as are accustomed in such cases, and are sundry times mentioned in this book.” Foxe, ubi supra.
page note 19 d Above the word “loking” is written “turning,” and so Foxe has printed.
page note 20 a The word “hasty” is altered into “fearful” by Foxe, who (edition 1641, iii. 962) appended this anecdote to his series recounting “God's punishment upon persecutors, and contemners of the Gospel.” He does not there give the authority of John Loude, nor of Loude's informant the dean of Gloucester.
page note 20 b John Williams, LL.D. He had been first appointed chancellor of Gloucester jointly with Richard Brown, LL.B. 28 Nov. 1541. “This Williams, in king Henry's reign, appears very zealous in the execution of the six articles. In the next reign he was a sudden convert to protestantism, and he began queen Mary's with depriving several clergymen of their livings for marriage. In 1555 he condemned Henry Hicks, a carpenter or joiner in this city, to carry a faggot in Berkeley church and in this cathedral. He was some time incumbent of the Holy Trinity in Gloucester, of Rockhampton, Beverstone, Painswick, Siddington St.Mary, Coin St.Dennis, and Walford, and a prebendary of Gloucester.” After dr. Williams's death, his office was performed by the vicar-general of the province of Canterbury, during the vacancy of the see, after which John Louth, the writer of these pages, succeeded to it. Rudder, History of Gloucestershire, p. 163.
page note 21 a William Jennings, B.D. chaplain to the king, became in 1541 the first dean of Gloucester, having been previously a monk of St. Peter's and prior of St. Oswald's in that city. He must have been a person very accommodating to the changes of the times, as he held the deanery until his death in 1565, when his body was buried before the door of the choir. See his other preferments and epitaph in Willis's Cathedrals, ii, 729, and Rudder's History of Gloucestershire, p. 161. Bishop Hooper's dedication of his Annotations on the Thirteenth Chapter to the Romans, commences “To my very loving and dear-beloved fellow-labourers in the word of God, and brethren in Christ, William Jenins dean of the cathedral church in Gloucester, John Williams doctor of the law and chancellor, and to the rest of all the church appointed there,” 's Works, printed for the Parker Society, ii. 95.
page note 21 b This commission for visiting the dioceses of Salisbury, Bristol, Exeter, Bath and Wella, and Gloucester, was dated July 19, 1559, and addressed to William earl of Pembroke, John Jewel, S.Th.P., Henry Parry, licentiate in laws, and William Lovelace, lawyer. Strype's Annals, i. 167. Sir John Cheyne was apparently substituted for the earl of Pembroke, as shown by one of their reports: see the life of Jewel prefixed to his Works printed for the Parker Society, pp. xiv. xv.
page note 22 a John Jewel, afterwards bishop of Salisbury 1559.
page note 22 b William Alley, bishop of Exeter 1560.
page note 22 c Henry Parry, afterwards an exile at Frankfort. Zurich Letters, iii. 763.
page note 22 d William Lovelace, serjeant at law 1567. In 1572 he was recommended by Lord Burghley to be steward of archbishop Parker's liberties. Correspondence of Parker, Works, (Parker Society,) p. 405. See also the Index to Strype'a Works.
page note 22 e Anthony Dalaber, of St. Alban's hall, Oxford, brother to the parson of Stalbridge in Dorsetshire. He was the author of a long and very remarkable narrative respecting the persecutions of those who entertained the new doctrines in Oxford, inserted by Foxe in his Actes and Monuments (commencing at vol. v. p. 421 of Townsend and Cattley's edition), respecting which see Dr. S. R. Maitland's Essays on subjects connected with the Reformation in England, 1849. 8vo. pp. 13 et seq., and the Rev. J. A. Froude's History of England, 1856, ii. pp. 45 et seq.
page note 23 a Possibly St. Martin Orgar: for there seems to have been no church there dedicated to St. Margaret.
page note 24 a That a man should practise the art of midwifery appears to have been, in the eyes of John Louthe, a crime of heinous magnitude, perhaps scarcely increased by the circumstance of his being a priest. The late Dr. Samuel Merriman, who was as conversant with the literature as with the practice of his profession, in a letter signed Obstetricus in the Gentleman's Magazine for Jan. 1830, has traced the history of the terms Midwife, Man-Midwife, Accoucheur, “the earliest date at which I have found the word Man-midwife is 1637, when it was employed in the preface of ‘The Expert Midwife.’” Midwife he regards as a contraction of modir-wife, the old English word modir having been used both for the mother and the womb. It may be presumed that midwifery was little if at all practised by men in England before the year 1637. The first book published in English on the subject was “The Byrth of Mankynde, newlye translated oute of Laten into Englysshe, 1540,” 4to. This was originally written by a German, Röslin, or, as he classically styled himself, Eucharius Rhodion. The first edition, which contains some of the earliest copper-plate engravings published in England, is dedicated to quene Katheryne by her physician dr. Richard Jonas: the subsequent editions, of which there are many, bear the name of the translator, dr. Thomas Raynold. See an account of this work, by T. J. Pettigrew, esq. F.R.S. and F.S.A. in the Medical Portrait Gallery, vol. i. (memoir of Sir C. M. Clarke, Bart.) The original MS. copy presented to queen Katharine is in the possession of Mr. Pettigrew, and was exhibited by him to the Society of Antiquaries.
page note 25 a This alludes to chapter vi. of the first book of Samuel, where the offerings in question are in our translation termed “golden emerods.” Such offerings representing all kinds of diseases and deformities are still customary in India, and are usually made of silver. See an interesting note on the subject in Knight's Pictorial Bible.
page note 25 b Notwithstanding the high character given by Louthe to John Petit, and his important position for twenty years, as one of the four citizens representing London in Parliament, I have failed to find any other memorial of him. The city historians are silent regarding him, and so is Mr. Heath in his History of the Grocers’ Company, and even his name as a member of parliament does not appear on the lists, from their being imperfect in the reign of Henry VIII.
page note 26 a The illustrious sir Thomas More, who, notwithstanding his great intelligence and love of learning, was not only immoveably attached to the ancient faith, but very zealous as a persecutor of those who entertained the new doctrines. See Mr. Froude's remarks on his illegal practice of detaining untried “hereticks” in prison, History of England, 1856, ii. 75.
page note 26 b “Next to (Billingsgate) is Sommer's key, which likewise tooke that name of one Sommer dwelling there, as did Lion key of one Lion owner thereof, and since of the signe of the Lion.” Stowe's Survay.
page note 27 a John Frith, having denied the real presence, was burned in Smithfield, July 4, 1533. See Index to the Parker Society's works, p. 335. His “Disputacion of Purgatory” is noticed hereafter.
page note 27 b Acts, xii. 31.
page note 27 c Thomas Bilney, who suffered in Smithfield, March 10, 1531. See Froude's History of England, 1856, ii. 84. To him Latimer owed his conversion.
page note 27 d Sic in MS.
page note 28 a Sir Geoffrey Grates was in 1523 a captain of the army sent into France under the duke of Suffolk. (State Papers, vi. 170.) He died in 1526, leaving as his son and heir sir John Gates, afterwards vice-chamberlain and captain of the guard to king Edward VI., who was beheaded with the duke of Northumberland in 1553. (Moranfs Essex, ii. 146.)
page note 29 a “1534. Willielmus Forde, de Brightwell, xiij ann. in festo Mich, præteriti. In margine, Hypodidascalus Wynton: Rector de Newberye.” Register of Admissions to Winchester College.
page note 29 b John White, head schoolmaster of Winchester college 1534, warden of Winchester 1541, bishop of Lincoln 1554, and of Winchester 1556; deprived 1559; died 1559–60. See Index to the works of the Parker Society, p. 786; also Machyn's Diary, Index; The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 174; and Collectanea Topog. et Geneal. vii. 213. His first entrance at Winchester is thus recorded: “1521. Johannes Whyte de Farnham, xj an. in festo Nat. D'ni praeterito—Sutherye. In margine, Inform. Wynton. Custos Wynton.” (Register of Admissions.) On his examination in bishop Gardiner's cause, in 1551, he took credit for having instilled into his scholars the doctrine of the royal supremacy, declaring “that about twelve years ago, or thereabouts, as he doth remember, this deponent (then being schoolmaster of the college of Winton) did, by commandment of the bishop of Winchester, make certain verses extolling the King's supremacy, and against the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome; which said verses this deponent caused his scholars to learn, and to practise them in making of verses to the like argument; the said bishop encouraging this deponent so to do.” (Foxe, first edit. ii. 845.)
page note 29 c The burden of a song. It occurs—rumbylowe—so early as 1314, attached to a rhyme made by the Scots on the battle of Bannockburn, which is introduced by Fabyan in his Chronicle.
page note 30 a The abbey of Welbeck (now the residence of the duke of Portland) was granted to Richard Whalley in 30 Hen.VIII. Richard Whallej esquire, of Sibthorpe and Screveton in the county of Nottingham, was steward to Edward duke of Somerset, and receiver- general of the county of York. See two letters of his, and other notices of him, in Tytler's “Edward VI. and Queen Mary.”He was involved in his master's trouble (see The Literary Remains of King Edward VI. pp. 241, 303, 355, 423), and deprived of his office, but retained much of his wealth, and founded a family long resident in Nottinghamshire. “The Grounds of Artes, by Robert Record, doctor of physicke,” first edit. 1519, is dedicated “to the Ryghte Worshypfull mayster Rycharde Whalley Esquyre.” He died Nov. 23, 1583, aged 84; and there is an engraving of his monument, with his effigy, in Thoroton's History of that county, p. 130. One of his grandsons, Walter Whalley, S.T.B. was resident at Cherry Orton in Huntingdonshire in 1613, and entered his pedigree in Nich. Charles's visitation book,—printed for the Camden Society, 1849, p. 35.
page note 30 b Sir George Pierrepont, ancestor of the earls Manvers, and the extinct dukes of Kingston, was the son of sir William Pierrepont by his second wife, danghter of sir Richard Empson, chancellor of the exchequer. He purchased, 32 Hen. VIII. some manors that had belonged to the abbeys of Welbeck and Newstead. He was knighted at the Tower Feb. 22, 1547–8, previously to the coronation of Edward VI., and died March 21, 1564. “The Newes owte of Heaven both pleasaunt and joyfull,” written by Thomas Becon at Alsop in the Dale in the Peak of Derbyshire, were dedicated as a new-year's gift “to the right worshipful master George Pierpount,” to whom the author acknowledged himself to be greatly bound. (Becon's Works, printed for the Parker Society, i. 37, 44.) The passage in the text seems to show that he afterwards sympathised with the opponents of Becon. Yet his son Henry was evidently a friend of Louthe, being appointed one of the supervisors of his will. (See p. 12.)
page note 31 a Now Attenborough. Louthe may have had the living: but Thoroton, the historian of Nottinghamshire, gives no lists of incumbents.
page note 31 b Perhaps sir Adrian Forteseue, whose widow Anne, daughter of sir William Read, was remarried to sir Thomas Parry. In 1554 Thomas Parry esquire, and his wife dame Anne Forteseue, resided in the college of Wallingford. In 1585 she was buried at Welford, six miles from Newbury. Lysons, Berkshire, pp. 399, 413.
page note 31 c i. e. home.
page note 32 a 1 Tim. 2.
page note 32 b In 1533.
page note 32 c This was a customary term, and one which may be frequently found in the pages of Foxe, signifying impeached or informed against.
page note 32 d I have not ascertained the Christian name of this Quinby, but he was probably a relative of Anthony Quinby, bachelor of law, whose memory has been preserved in the following epitaph placed “under the proportion of a man on a brass plate,” in the east cloister of New College chapel.
En nuda Antonii Quinby lapis iste, Briani
Wottoni hie positus sumptibus, ossa tegit.
Hie duo (viventes sic junxit amor) sua jungi
Post mortem optabant corpora corporibus.
Ast aliter Dominus decrerat: namque Brianus
Londini, Oxonie conditur Antonius.
(For Notes e f g see next page.)
Primum in lege gradum pariter suscepit uterque,
Cultor uterque Dei, doctus uterque fuit.
Det Deus in celis animus jungatur uterque,
Disjunctum quamvis corpus utrumque jacet.
Obiit Antonius xxix die Maii MDLIX.
Brianus vero xiv calend. Feb. MDLX.
Wood's Colleges and Halls of Oxford (edit. Gutch), 1786, vol. iii. p. 212; where it is added that Quinby's friend Brian Wotton was buried in the churchyard of St. Alban's, London, his father Edward lying in that church. The following are the entries of the admissions of the two friends at Winchester in the same year:
“1547. Antonius Quinbye de Fernham, Winton. dioc. xiij an. in fo Paschæ præt.
“——— Brianus Wotton de parochia S'ci Albani, London, dioc. xiij an. in fo Simonis et Judæ præterito.” (Register of Winchester College.)
Among the witnesses examined in the proceedings against bishop Gardiner in 1551, was “Robert Quinby of Farnham clothmaker, where he was born, of the age of 27 or thereabouts:” see Foxe, Actes and Monuments, first edit. ii. 841.
page note 32 e This was Robert Talbot, one of our earliest English antiquaries, who wrote a commentary on the Itinerary of Antoninus. Wood tells us that he became fellow of New college (after he had served two years of probation), an. 1523, and left it five years after, being expelled for heresy. That he afterwards “sterte back” in his faith, as Loude tells, appears to be confirmed by the provisions of his will. See the memoir of him in Athenæ Oxon. (ed. Bliss) i. 263. His name is not to be found in the register of Winchester college.
page note 32 f John Man is said to have been born at Lacock in Wiltshire, but the entry of his admission at Winchester states that he came from Winterbourne Stoke, which is in the same county, but more than twenty miles from Lacock. It is as follows: “A.D. 1523. Johannes Manne de Wynterbourne Stoke xj an. in fo Assump. præt.” He was elected from Winchester to New college 1529, proctor of the university 1540. He also was expelled New college for heresy, but in 1547 was made principal of White hall, and in 1562 warden of Merton college. In 1565 he became dean of Gloucester. He died in 1568. See memoir of him in Athens Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 366. He had a contemporary at Winchester of the same name and nearly the same age, admitted “A.D. 1527. Johannes Manne de Wrytyll, xij an. in fo Omn. Sc'r'm præt. In margine, Rector de Horwood.”
page note 32 g Bartholomew Traheron was either of Exeter college or Hart hall. He became library-keeper to king Edward the Sixth, and was made dean of Chichester 1551. See the memoir of him in Athenæ Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 323, and various incidents of his biography in the Index to the Parker Society's works, p. 761.
page note 34 a This name is very obscure in the MS. The next passage is written in the margin. It apparently relates to Talbot.
page note 34 b John London, D.C.L. is a person whose name frequently appears in connection with the visitation and suppression of the monasteries, for which purpose he was a visitor appointed by Henry VIII. (See Letters on that subject edited for the Camden Society by Mr. T. Wright.) His entry at Winchester is thus recorded: “A.D. 1497. Johannes London de Hammolden, fllius tenentis Oxon. xj an. in festo Nat. D'ni præt.—Berks. In margine, Custos. Oxon,” (Register of Admissions to Winchester College.) He was elected warden of New college in 1526, and remained so until 1542. He was also a canon of Windsor, dean of Osney, and of Wallingford: for his other preferments see Wood, Colleges and Halls (edit. Gutch), iii. 188, and Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 47. He died in 1543 in the Fleet prison, to which he had been committed on a charge of perjury.
page note 34 c It is perhaps too well known to require remark that the warden was a species of baking pear, said to have derived its name from the Cistercian abbey of Warden in Bedfordshire.
page note 34 d “A.D.1492. Edwardus More, de Havant, filius tenentis Winton. xiij an. in festo Nat. D'ni præt. In margine, Infor. Wynton. Custos Wynton.” (Register of Admissions to Winchester College ) In explanation of the designation “filius tenentis,” which but rarely occurs in the register, the Rev. W. H. Gunner remarks, that the tenants of the college property had by the statutes a right to consideration in the appointment to scholarships, and in the very early indentures of election they are bracketed as persons residing in locis ubi bona collegii vigent. Among those who supplicated for the degree of B.D. at Oxford in 1518, but no one was admitted, was “Edw. More of New college, who was admitted the eighth warden of Wykeham's college near Winchester 29 Oct. 1526, and dying 1541, was buried in the choir of the chappel there.” (Wood's Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 47.)
page note 35 a Apparently Castle Hedingham in Essex: see note in p. 3.
page note 35 b Cretingham, in Suffolk: see p. 4.
page note 35 c Sawtrey had two churches, dedicated to All Saints and Saint Andrew respectively, otherwise called Sawtrey Moygne and Sawtrey Beaumys, and consequently two parsons, or rectors. The monks were Cistercians, and their house a cell of that of Warden in Bedfordshire. At the survey in 26 Hen. VIII. William Aungell was abbot, and the clear revenue of the abbey was 141l. 3s. 8d. Valor Eccl. vol. iv. pp. 265, 267.
page note 36 a “A very common epithet with our old writers to signify paltry or contemptible.” Glossary by Archdeacon Nares, who gives examples from Shakspere's Lear and Richard II., Beaumont and Fletcher, Ascham, 's Select Works, for the Parker Society, 1849. “Without Bale's elucydacyon,” but with some other additions, the narrative was introduced by Foxe into his Actes and Monuments; and from that source it has been retailed in an endless variety of forms. Anne Askew is certainly one of the most interesting personages commemorated in Foxe's pages, and, in addition, her story has the charm of autobiography. It has been related with care in the Rev. Christopher Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, 1845, vol. ii. pp. 190–200: and is still more fully developed in the Rev. James Anderson's Ladies of the Reformation, 1865, pp. 136–179. But by none of her biographers, even including the last, is due prominence given to her connection with the Protestant party at court, and her influence with queen Katharine Parr, which, if we may credit the commentary upon Foxe's narrative written by Robert Parsons the Jesuit (and which will be found in the Appendix), was very considerable.
page note 39 c Anne Askew was a daughter of sir William Askew, or Ayscough, of South Kelsey in Lincolnshire, and was married at an early age to a gentleman named Kyme, resident in the same county, from whom she separated in consequence of ill-usage, and came to London, apparently to prosecute her cause in chancery. Her mind, however, was more occupied with the great business of religion, and her Protestant zeal raised her public as well as private enemies: who, finding her equally unyielding in spiritual as in temporal matters, crushed without mercy a woman whom they could not intimidate. She had dropped her married name, and the identity of her unworthy husband is uncertain: but on this point see the Appendix.
page note 39 d Sir Francis Ayscough was sheriff of Lincolnshire in 1544. Another brother, Edward, was servant to archbishop Cranmer, and became one of the gentlemen pensioners. See the note on the Gentlemen Pensioners in the Appendix.
page note 40 a Jane Aysoough was married first to sir George St. Paul of Snarford, co. Lincoln, and secondly to Richard Disney esquire, of Norton Disney in the same county, who died in 1578. See pedigree of Disney in Hutchins's History of Dorsetshire, second edit. iv. 390.
page note 40 b By this name it must be presumed that Louthe meant the college of Winchester, as before in p, 29.
page note 40 c Strype, Eccles. Memorials, vol. i. p. 387, has incorrectly styled him sir Lionel. He was Lionel Throckmorton, gentleman, of Flixton, in South Elmham, Suffolk, a nephew of the author (see note in the Appendix).
page note 40 d Misprinted by Strype, “appyed our steep, or to work.” Eccles. Memorials, i. 387.
page note 40 e This examination was not in the Tower, but when Anne Askew, having first been examined by an inquest at Saddlers' hall, was denounced to the civil authority in order to be committed to prison: “Then they had me unto my lord maior, and he examined me as they had before, and I answered him directly in all things as I answered the quest before. Besides this, my lord maior layd one thing to my charge, which was never spoken of me, but of them; and that was, Whether a mouse, eating the host, received God or no ? This question did I never aske, but in deede they asked it of me, whereunto I made them no answer, but smiled.” This is the foundation of the story which Louthe has improved as in the text. Anne Askew was committed by the lord mayor to the Counter, and whilst there was visited by a priest, who followed up the argument on the mouse: “Fourthly he asked, if the host should fall, and a beaste did eate it, whether the beast did receive God or no ? I answered, ‘Seeing you have taken the paines to ask the question, I desire you also to assoile it yourselfe, for I will not doe it, because I perceive you come to tempt me.’ And he said it was against the order of schooles that he which asked the question should answere it. I told him I was but a woman, and knew not the course of schooles.” In the text,
(For Note f see next page.)
Louthe tells his story in ridicule of the lord mayor's divinity, without adverting to the circumstance that Foxe had already published the particulars more accurately. The question whether the sacrament eaten of a mouse was the very and real body of Christ was, however, gravely entertained by various learned doctors, and variously argued. Bishop Gardiner maintained that “a mouse cannot devour God,” though, on the other hand, “Christ's body may as well dwell in a mouse as in Judas.” (Detection of the Devil's Sophistry, pp. 16, 21.) See other opinions stated in Bale's Select Works, p. 154. It was this question that brought sir George Blagge into trouble, as related in the next page.
page note 41 f Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith. See a note respecting him in Maehyn's Diary, at p. 335: to which it may be added that a copy of his portrait is at Gibside, co. Durham, the seat of the earl of Strathmore: it is described by Mr. Surtees, History of Durham, ii. 254, who remarks in a note, “He was not immediately of the house of Streatlam, but a descendant of Bowes of York.” The Goldsmiths' Company still possess a handsome cup presented to them by sir Martin Bowes: it is engraved in H. Shaw's “Decorative Arts.”
page note 41 a Foxe has preserved “a briefe narration of the trouble of syr George Blage, one of the King's privy chamber, who being falsely accused by syr Hugh Caverley, knighte, and master Littleton, was sent for by Wrisley lord chancellour the sonday before Anne Askew suffered, and the next day was carried to Newgate, and from thence to Guildhall, where he was condemned the same day, and appoynted to be burned the wensday folowing. The words which his accusers had laid unto him were these: What if a mouse should eat the bread ? then, by my consent, they should hang up the mouse. Wheras in dede these words he never spake, as to hys lives ende he protested. But the truth, as he sayd, was this, that they craftely to undermine him, walking with him in Paul's church after a sermon of doctonr Crome, asked if he were at the sermon, and he said yea. ‘I heard say (saith master Littleton) that he sayd in his sermon that the masse profiteth neither for the quick nor for the dead.’ ‘No ? (saide master Blage) wherefore then ? belike for a gentleman when he rideth a-hunting, to kepe his horse from stumbling.’ And so they departing, immediately after he was apprehended (as is shewed) and condemned to be burned. When this was heard among them of the pryvye chamber, the king hearing them whispering together, whych he could never abide, commaunded them to tell hym the matter. Where upon the matter being opened, and sute made to the king, especially by the good erle of Bedford, then lord privie seal, the king being sore offended with their doings, that they would come so nere him, and even into his privie chamber, without hys knowledge, sent for Wrisley, commaunding him eftsoones to draw out hys pardon himself, and so was he set at libertye; who, conaming after to the king's presence, ‘Ah, my pig!’ sayth the king to him (for so he was wont to call him). ‘Yea (sayd he), if your majestie had not bene better to me then your bishops were, your pig had bene rosted ere this time.’” Foxe, it appears, was told that he had committed an error in naming “master George Blag to be one of the privie chamber;” which he excuses by noting “that although he were not admitted as one of the privie chamber, yet hys ordinary resort thether, and to the kynges presence there, was such as, although he were not one of them, yet was he so commonly taken.” (Edit. 1576, p. 2007.) Sir George Blagge was examined in the proceedings against bishop Gardiner in 1550, and was then thirty-eight years of age. See his memoir in Athense Cantabrigienses, 1858, i. 104.
page note 42 a So the MS. though only two are named. The third was probably Lionel, (already mentioned in p. 40,) a cousin of the other two.
page note 42 b Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, fourth son of sir George Throckmorton, of Coughton, co. Warwick, by Katharine daughter of Nicholas lord Vaux of Harrowden. He was aged thirty-five in 1550, “and one of the King's privy chamber,” when examined in the proceedings against bishop Gardiner. (Foxe, edit. 1563, 807.) He had a memorable escape from a trial for treason in the reign of Mary (see Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 75.), and afterwards became one of the most distinguished men of his age. See Wotton's Baronetage, 1741, ii. 358.
page note 42 c “The fifth son of sir George (Throckmorton) was Kenelme.” Ibid. p. 359.
page note 43 a Anne Askew had three fellow-sufferers, who are described by Foxe as “one Nicholas Belenian, priest, of Shropshire, John Adams a taylor, and John Lacels gentleman of the court and household of king Henry.” Foxe prints a letter of Lascelles, “written out of prison,” being an exposition of his faith: it is signed “John Lacels, servaunt late to the king, and now I trust to serve the Everlasting King with the testimony of my bloud in Smithfield;” and a letter of Anne Askew (also printed by Foxe) is addressed to him. He was either a younger son of Ralph Lascelles of Sturton, co. Notts, esq. by a daughter of Topcliffe, or else a younger son of Richard (son of Ralph) by Dorothy, daughter of sir Bryan Sandford: both which Johns died s. p. Bryan Lascelles esquire was of Sturton and Gateford in 1575. (Vincent's Notts. 117, Coll. Arm. f. 181.) The martyr was not improbably the same John Lascelles who appears in the proceedings against queen Katharine Howard, and whose sister Mary was one of the principal witnesses against that queen. This was bishop Burnetts opinion, who says; “it is likely he was the same person that had discovered queen Katharine Howard's incontinency, for which all the popish party, to be sure, bore him no good will.” (History of the Reformation.) He is described as “a gentylman of Furnyvalles inne,” in the Grey Friars' Chronicle; where the name of “Hemmysley a prest, wyche was an Observand frere of Richemond,” is given instead of Belenian; whilst Stowe and bishop Godwin call the priest Nicholas Otterden, and the tailor Adlam instead of Adams.
page note 43 b This passage has been misunderstood by Southey in his History of the Church, in both editions, for he states that “The execution was delayed till darkness closed, that it might appear the more dreadful.” As Mr. Anderson has remarked (Ladies of the Reformation, p. 174), Louthe's allusion is evidently to the words of Christ to his enemies, “This is your hour and the power of darkness.” It was a summer's day, Foxe states about the month of June; but Bale, Stowe, and Grey Friars' Chronicle fix it to the 16th of July.
page note 43 c i.e. had been so painfully racked, a few days previously. After her condemnation, Anne Askew was taken one afternoon to the Tower, and subjected to the rack, in the hope that she might be forced to name some ladies or gentlewomen about the court that entertained similar opinions to her own; “and thereon they kept me a long time, and, because I lay still, and did not cry, my lord chancellor [Wriothesley] and master Rich tooke pains to rack me in their own hands, till I was nigh dead.” In this tragic scene, Louthe's ridiculous story of the lord mayor and the mouse has evidently not its proper place: but it was the only time that Anne Askew was in the Tower. Some writers have cast discredit upon the fact that Anne Askew was racked at all, apparently forgetting that it rests upon her own authority. The reader will find in the Appendix the remarks of Mr. Jardine and Dr. Lingard, with some evidence which they neglected to consider.
page note 43 a Foxe states, “shee was brought into Smithfield in a chaire, because she could not goe on her feet, by meanes of her great torments.” It is difficult to ascertain the precise purport of Louthe's account, which is exactly as above printed.
page note 43 b The hospital of St. Bartholomew. One of the most curious cuts in Foxe's work (edit. 1563, p. 678) represents “The description of Smythfielde, with the order and maner of certayne of the Counsell, sytting there at the burnyng of Anne Askewe and Lacels with the others.” The populace are kept from the area by a ring-fence, within which stands the pulpit from whence an admonitory sermon was delivered by doctor Nicholas Shaxton. The back-ground exhibits the hospital buildings and church of St. Bartholomew.
page note 43 c See p. 8.
page note 43 d John xii. 29.
page note 43 e “Credibly am I informed by divers Dutch merchants which were then present, that in the time of their sufferings the sky, abhorring so wicked an act, suddenly altered colour, and the clouds from above gave a thunder-clap, not all unlike to that is written Psalm lxxvi. The elements both declared therein the high displeasure of God for so tyrannous a murder of innocents, and also expressly signified His mighty hand present to the comfort of them which trusted in him, besides the most wonderful mutation which will, within short space, thereupon follow. And like as the centurion, with those that were with him, for the tokens showed at Christ's death, confessed him to be the Son of God, Matt, xxvii. so did a great number at the burning of these martyrs, upon the sight of this open experiment, affirm them to be His faithful members. Full many a Christian heart has risen, and will rise, from the pope to Christ, through the occasion of their burning in the fire.” Bale, who continues his discourse upon the thunderings at much further length.
page note 45 a “William Morice of Chipping Ongar, in the county of Essex, esquire, and Ralph Moriee, brother unto the said William,” are mentioned in the narrative of Latimer's communication with James Bainham (afterwards burnt) in the dungeon of Newgate, printed by Strype, Memorials, vol. iii. p. [236]. William Morice was the son of James Morice, a gentleman attached to the household of the lady Margaret countess of Richmond, and employed by her in the building of her colleges in Cambridge. William Morice escaped a fatal termination to his imprisonment by the death of Henry VIII. In the first parliament of queen Mary was passed “an acte for the repeale of a statute made for the uniting of the parishe churches of Ongar and Grenestede, in the countie of Essexe,” which statute in the preamble of the act of Mary is stated to have been made “by the sinister labour and procurement of one Willyam Morys esquier, your Grace's late servaunt deceased, some time patrone of the parish churche of Ongar aforesayd, and one of the burgesses of the parliament holden at Westminster,” 2 Edw. VI. “inordinately seking his private lucre and profitt.” (Statutes of the Realm, iv. 234.) Ralph Moriee his brother was secretary to archbishop Cranmer, and a full account of him is given by Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, p. 425. In the Ecclesiastical Memorials, i. 386, Strype inadvertently makes William the father of Ralph.
page note 45 b Richard Pace, some time Latin secretary to Henry VIII., dean of St. Paul's 1519, and also dean of Exeter and Salisbury. He died at his vicarage of Stepney in 1532. See a memoir of him in Wood's Athenæ Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 64, and see the index to State Papers, 1852, vol. xi. p. 615.
page note 45 c Afterwards Richard Southwell esquire, of Horsham St. Faith's in Norfolk, whose marriages and issue will be found in Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, (edit. Archdall,) 1789, vi. 6: but no other particulars of his history are there stated. According to sir Henry Spelman, who relates the scandals of the Southwell family in his History of Sacrilege, all sir Richard's children but the youngest daughter were really illegitimate, having been born of his second wife Mary (Darcy) whilst his first wife Thomasine (Darcy) was living.
page note 46 a William Foster, reader at Lincoln's inn 35 Hen. VIII. and again 6 Edw. VI. Dugdale's Origines Juridiciales, p. 253.
page note 46 b Perhaps William Roper, some time clerk of the King's Bench, son of John Roper attorney-general, and son-in-law of the great sir Thomas More.
page note 46 c Edward Gryffyn, reader at Lincoln's inn 29 Hen. VIII. and again 36 Hen. VIII. made “generall attorney of all courtes of recordes within England,” 30 Sept. 1553, and who continued attorney-general during the whole of the reign of Mary.
page note 46 d i.e. in his confidence.
page note 47 a Sir Peter Philpot was seated at Compton near Winchester. He was the son and heir of sir John Philpot of that place, sheriff of Hampshire in 16 Hen. VII., and K.B. at the marriage of prince Arthur in 1501, by Alice, daughter of William lord Stourton. Sir Peter is also styled a knight of the Bath, but it does not appear when he was so made. He was esquire when he served sheriff of Hampshire in 16 Hen. VIII., and knight when he again served in 27 Hen. VIII. In 1539 he was summoned to attend the reception of the lady Anna of Cleves: see the Chronicle of Calais, p. 177. He married Agnes, eldest daughter and co-heir of Thomas Troys of Hampshire esquire, by whom he had issue, three sons,—Henry of Barton, ob, s. p.; “John the martyr;” and Thomas, ancestor of those of Thruxton and Compton; and two daughters, married respectively to Egerton and Boydell, both of Cheshire. (MS. of Philipot the Herald in Coll. Arm.) The name of the daughter resident in the neighbourhood of Winchester does not appear.
page note 47 b “A.D. 1526. Johannes Phylpott de Cumpton, x. an. in fest. Nat. D'ni præt. In margine, Archidiaconus Wynton.” Register of Admissions to Winchester college.
page note 47 c John Harpsfield, afterwards archdeacon of London (1554), brother to Nicholas, archdeacon of Canterbury. “1528. Johannes Harpysfyld de London, xij. an. in festo Pentecost, præt. In margine, Archid. London. Theo. Prof.” (Register of the Admissions to Winchester college.) He was a fellow of Winchester from 1534 to 1561. See biographical notices of him in Wood's Athense Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 439; the Index to Machyn's Diary; and The Examination and Writings of John Philpot, (Parker Society,) p. xxx.
page note 47 d There were two masters of this name, John and Richard, the latter of whom was succeeded by John White in 1534. Louthe is therefore in error as to his Christian name —
“1526. Jo. Tychener informator incipit docere.
“1531. Richardus Twychene informator incipit docere.” (College Register.) Both John and Richard came from Oakingham, and they were probably brothers:—
“1515. Johannes Towchener de Okynggame, fil. ten. Oxon. xiij an. in festo Omn. Scrm. prset. In margim, Informator Wynton. post Rector de Colyngbourne.”
“1518. Ric'us Twychener de Okyngame; xiij annorum in festo Se'i Laurencii prateriti. In margine, Informator Wynton. post duxit uxorem.”
John was admitted fellow of New college July 18, 1521, and Richard April 12, 1524.
page note 48 a Bishop Stephen Gardiner.
page note 48 b King Edward the Sixth.
page note 48 c Wolvesey palace, near Winchester college.
page note 48 d Thomas Sternhold, groom of the robes to Henry VIII. and Edward VI.; better known as one of the translators of the Psalms into English metre. See notices of him in the Parker Society's volume of Select Poetry, p. xlvi., and in the memoir of King Edward VI. prefixed to his Literary Remains (printed for the Roxburghe Club), pp. lv. lvi.
page note 48 e “The next is the Clinke, a gaol or prison for the trespassers in those partes; namely, in old time, for such as should brawle, frey, or break the peace on the said Bank, or in the brothel-houses, they were by the inhabitants thereabout apprehended and committed to this gaol, where they were straitly imprisoned.” (Stowe's Survay.) See several passages from old writers relative to the Clink in Cunningham's Hand-took of London, 1849. The bishop of Winchester's palace itself frequently went by the name of the Clink.
page note 49 a “Thou that giv'st whores indulgences to sin!”
The duke of Gloucester to cardinal Beaufort bishop of Winchester, in Shakspere's Henry VI. Part I. act i. sc. 3. The privileges of the stews were finally abolished in March 1546.
page note 49 b John Cooke, registrar of the diocese of Winchester. See his examination relative to bishop Gardiner in Foxe, first edit. p. 860, but it gives no particulars of him. Whether Jie is to be identified with one who entered Winchester college in 1539 is doubtful: “1539. Johannes Cooke de Droxford (?) xij. ann. in festo Septem dormientium [27 July] præt. Winton. dioc.” (Register of Admissions.)
page note 49 c John Ponet, translated from Rochester to Winchester 1551, deprived 1553; well known as an ardent Reformer. See Index to Parker Society's Works, p. 615; also Machyn's Diary, p. 320; and Chronicle of the Crrey Friars of London, p. 70.
page note 50 a Is this a reflection of archdeacon Louthe upon his diocesan archbishop Sandys ?
page note 50 b Robert Home, consecrated Feb. 16, 1561, died June 1, 1580.
page note 50 c The scullions and inferior officers of the royal household, when following queen Elizabeth's train in her Progresses, were by the common people jocularly termed the black guard; to which various allusions occur in old writers. See Nares's Glossary, sub voce, the Parker Society's Index, Nichols's Progresses of King James I. vol. ii. p. 402, “blackdog of Bungay” dates from the year 1577, only two years before Loutho was writing. “This Black Dog, or the Divel in such a likenesse (God he knoweth who worketh all!) running all along down the church with great swiftnesse and incredible haste, among the people, in a visible fourm and shape passed between two persons, as they were kneeling upon their knees, and occupied in prayer as it seems, wrung the necks of them bothe in one instant clene backwards, insomuch that even at a moment where they kneeled they strangely dyed,” “A Straunge and Terrible Wunder wrought very late in the Parish Church of Bongay, a town of no great distance from the citie of Norwich, namely the fourth of this August in ye yeare of our Lord 1577, in a great tempest of violent raine, lightning and thunder, the like whereof hath been seldome seene. With the appeerance of an horrible shaped thing, sensibly perceived of the people then and there assembled. Drawen into a plain method according to the written copye by Abraham Fleming.” The tract has a rude woodcut in the title-page of a black dog with large claws. The greater part of it is reprinted in the Rev. Mr. Suckling's Collections for Suffolk: and the parish register records the names of two men who were “slayne in the tempest in the belfry in the tyme of prayer upon the Lord's day ye iiijth day of August.” See also Notes and Queries, Second Series, vol. iv. p. 314.
page note 51 c An allusion to the person of bishop Bonner, so often caricatured in the cuts of the Actes and Monuments of Foxe.
page note 52 a Queen Anne Boleyne, and cardinal Wolsey.
page note 52 b See hereafter, p. 57.
page note 52 c George Wyatt, who wrote the life of queen Anne Boleyne which Mr. Singer has appended to his edition of Cavendish's Life of Wolsey 1825, was indebted for his information chiefly to two ladies—“one that first attended on her both before and after she was queen, with whose house and mine there was then kindred and strict alliance.” This was mistress Anne Gainsford, who became the wife of George Zouche esquire, of Codnor in Derbyshire, mentioned in the text. She was one of the daughters of sir John Gainsford of Crowhurst in Surrey, who died in 1543, (and who like his royal master had six wives,) by his second wife Anne, daughter of Richard Haut, widow of Peyton; and her sisters of the whole blood were, Mary married to sir William Courtenay, Katharine married to sir William Finch, and Rose married first to George Puttenham and secondly to William Sackville of Blechingley. (Pedigree of Gainsford, in History of Surrey, by Manning and Bray, iii. 174.) Wyatt (besides the anecdote which ensues) tells the following on the authority of Nan Gainsford: “There was conveyed to her (Anne Boleyne) a book pretending old prophecies, wherein was represented the figure of some personages, with the letter H upon one, A upon another, and K upon the third, which an expounder thereupon took upon him to interpret by the king and his wives, and to her pronouncing certain destruction if she married the king. This book coming into her chamber, she opened, and finding the contents, called to her maid of whom we have spoken before, who also bore her name, Come hither Nan, (said she,) see here a book of prophecy; this he saith is the king, this the queen, and this is myself with my head off. The maid answered, If I thought it true, though he were an emperor, I would not myself marry him with that condition. Yes, Nan, (replied the lady,) I think the book a bauble, yet for the hope I have that the realm may be happy by my issue, I am resolved to have him whatsoever might become of me.”
page note 52 d So the MS. qu. Love-tricks ? It is so read by Strype, Memorials, i. 112.
page note 52 e The Obedience of a Christian Man, by William Tyndale, first published in 1528—“a bold performance, in which the author vindicates the diffusion of the Scriptures in the mother tongue, unfolds the duties of men in their different relations and conditions of life, exposes the false power claimed by the pope, and condemns the doctrines of penance, confession, satisfactions, absolutions, miracles, the worshipping of saints, and other popish dogmas.” (Ladies of the Reformation, by the Rev. James Anderson, 1855, p. 75.) In 1528, remarks Mr. Offor the biographer of Tyndale, was published the most valuable of his compositions, The Obedience of a Christian Man. Mr. Offor has a copy of the first edition, in small 4to. published May 1528, once the property of the princess afterwards queen Elizabeth. It has her autograph beautifully written, but with all the pomp worthy of a Tudor, Elizabeth, dougher of England and France. “This book,” adds Mr. Offor, “probably assisted to fix her principles in favour of the Reformation.” (Memoir of William Tyndale by George Offor, prefixed to the reprint of Tyndale's New Testament, 1836.) The Obedience of a Christian Man is reprinted in the first volume of Tyndale's Works, edited for the Parker Society, by the Rev. Henry Walter, B.D., F.R.S.
page note 53 a Richard Sampson, afterwards bishop of Chichester 1536, and of Liclifield and Coventry 1543; died 1554. See Athenæ Cantabrigienses, 1858, i. 119.
page note 53 b George Wyatt, in his life of Anne Boleyne, gives another and somewhat different relation of this anecdote. After remarking that her society was advantageous to the king, inasmuch as “her mind brought him forth the rich treasures of love of piety, love of truth, love of learning,” in proof of that assertion he proceeds,—“that of her time (that is, during the three years that she was queen) it is found by good observation that no one suffered for religion, which is the more worthy to be noted for that it could not so be said of any time of the queens after married to the king. And amongst other proofs of her love to religion to be found in others, this here of me is to be added:—That shortly after her marriage, divers learned and christianly disposed persons resorting to her, presented her with sundry books of those controversies that then began to be questioned touching religion, and specially of the authority of the pope and his clergy, and of their doings against kings and states. And amongst others, there happened one of these, which, as her manner was, she having read, she had also noted with her nail as of matter worthy the king's knowledge. The book lying in her window, her maid (of whom hath been spoken) took it up, and as she was reading it, came to speak with her one then suitor to her, that after married her; and as they talked he took the book of her, and she withal, called to attend on the queen, forgot it in his hand, and she not returning in some long space, he walked forth with it in his hand, thinking it had been hers. There encountered him soon after a gentleman of the cardinal's of his acquaintance, and after salutation, perceiving the book, requested to see it, and finding what it was, partly by the title, partly by some what he read in it, he borrowed it and showed it to the cardinal. Thereupon the suitor was sent for to the cardinal, and examined of the book, and how he came by it, and had like to have come into trouble about it, but that it having been found to have pertained to one of the queen's chamber, the cardinal thought better to defer the matter till he had broken it to the king first, in which meantime the suitor delivered the lady what had fallen out, and she also to the queen, who, for her wisdom knowing now what might grow thereupon, without delay went and imparted the matter to the king, and shewed him of the points that she had noted with her finger. And she was but newly come from the king, but the cardinal came in with the book in his hands to make complaint of certain points in it that he knew the king would not like of, and withal to take occasion with him against those that countenanced such books in general, and especially women, and, as might be thought, with mind to go further against the queen more directly if he had perceived the king agreeable to his meaning. But the king, that somewhat afore distasted the cardinal, as we have showed, finding the notes the queen had made, all turned the more to his ruin, which was also furthered on all sides.” Upon this version of the story the following remarks have been made: “Wyatt represents the cardinal as bringing the book to the king to point out what he thought Henry would dislike, and to complain of those who countenanced such books. But this is obviously not irreconcileable with the account given in Foxe's (Louthe's) MS.; nor is the king's continued hostility to Tyndale incompatible with his being pleased for a time with a powerfully written book, pressed upon his notice by the lady Anne; nor yet with his clearly perceiving that the author had justly rebuked the inroads made upon the authority of princes by an usurping priesthood.” (Doctrinal Treatises by Tyndale, edited for the Parker Society, by the Rev. Henry Walter, B.D., F.R.S., vol. i. p. 130.) The Rev. Christopher Anderson observes: “This incident therefore must in substance have occurred, although Foxe (i. e. Louthe) goes on to build far too much upon it. The words, in Henry's mouth, were probably nothing more than a compliment to the lady; or, at best, a transient feeling, similar to one of old, in the mind of king Herod towards John the Baptist. But be this as it might, Campeggio was off to Italy, and the sun of royal favour had set upon Wolsey for ever.” (Annals of the English Bible, i. 220). Dr. D'Aubigne, in his History of the Reformation in England, book xx. chapter x. has availed himself of both versions of the story, and extended its detail to considerable length, interweaving various extracts from. Tyndale's book, and throwing the whole into a dramatic narrative. It is also related in like manner in the Rev. James Anderson's “Ladies of the Reformation,” 1855, where, at p, 76, is a well-designed sketch by J. Godwin, of Zoueh snatching the book from the hands of mistress Gainsford.
page note 55 a In the absence of any other example of the word zowche in the sense apparently given by Louthe, the reader is offered the following extracts from Florio's Italian Dictionary, entitled “Queen Anna's New World of Words,” 1611.
Zócco, a log, a block, a stocke, a stump.
Zúcca, any kind of gourd or pompion.
Zucchéro, any kind of sugar.
Zúgo, a gull or ninny; also a darling, a wanton, a minion.
The first was certainly a word adopted into the English language, and by the family of Zouch itself, for the stump of a tree or, branching vert, surmounted by a white falcon, was the principal device on the standard of John Zowche of Codnor, temp. Henry Till. (Excerpta Historiea, p. 315: see also John son and heir of the lord Zowche, p. 323.) But John Louthe's sense appears to resemble rather one of the other words.
page note 55 b The following record of Harding's admission to Winchester college shows that he was born at Bickington in Devonshire about four years later than, from Anthony à Wood's account, is generally stated: “1528. Thomas Hardijngde Bekyngton xij. ann. in festo Annunc. præt. In margine, Canonicus, Thesaurarius Sarum. Theol. Professor.” As a member of New college he graduated at Oxford, B.A. 1537, M.A. 1541, B.D. 1552, D.D. 1554, was made professor of Hebrew 1542, treasurer of Salisbury July 17, 1555, and deprived in 1 Elizabeth. After having been chaplain in the household of that great patron of the Protestants the duke of Suffolk, Harding returned to the church of Rome, and is remembered by the letter which the lady Jane addressed to him on his apostasy. He was also celebrated for his controversy with bishop Jewel, occasioned by the latter'u “Apology for the Church of England”: see Lowndcs's Bibliographer's Manual. Harding died at Louvaine in 1572. See the memoir of him in Wood's Athenæ Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 402, and Walcott's William of Wykeham and his Colleges, 1852, p. 397.
page note 55 c “A Disputacion of Purgatory made by Jhon Frith,” published at first without date, but it is supposed in 1532, the year during part of which Anne Boleyne was countess of Pembroke. The works of Tyndale, Frith, and dr. Robert Barnes, were edited by Foxe in 1573. There is a modern edition of the works of Tyndale and Frith by Thomas Russell, A.M. in 1831, 3 vols. 8vo.
page note 56 a When the king or other person in authority required a verbal command to be obeyed, he sent a “token,” usually a signet ring, or one he was well known to wear. Of this custom two examples are supplied in the following passage of the history of John Frith. “The day before the day appointed for his execution, my lord of Canterbury (Warham) sent one of his gentlemen and one of his porters whose name was Perlebeame, a Welchman borne, to fetch John Frith from the Tower unto Croidon. This gentleman had both my lord's letters and the King's ring unto my lord Fitzwilliams, constable of the Tower, then lying in Canon rowe at Westminster in extreme anguish and paine of the strangullion, for the delivery of the prisoner. Master Fitzwilliams, more passionate than patient, understanding for what purpose my lord's gentleman was come, banned and cursed Frith and all other heretikes, saying. Take this my ring unto the lieutenant of the Tower, and receive your man your heretike with you, and I am glad that I am rid of him.”
page note 57 a The writer probably intended an equivocal expression, triple-crowned or triplehorned. Strype, Memorials, i. 113, has read it “triple crowned.”
page note 57 b Codnor castle, in the parish of Heanor, nine miles from Derby, came to sir John Zouch, a younger son of William lord Zouch of Haringworth, in or about 1526, on the death of his wife's nephew Henry last lord Grey of Codnor. George Zouch esquire, who married Anne Gainsford, and is the subject of Louthe's anecdotes, was the son and heir of sir John. The Codnor estate was sold by sir John Zouch and John Zouch esquire his heir apparent in 1634. (Lysons, Derbyshire, p. 181.) In Wolley's Derbyshire collections is a record of the court of Exchequer, Mich, term 24 Hen. VIII. relating to the tenure of the manors of Hoo, Halstowe, and Aylesford, in Kent; Benningfield, co. Northampton; Codnor, co. Derby; and Weston-hay, co. Bedford, belonging to George Zouch esquire. (MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 6698, art. 16.) Margaret Zoueh, sister to George, was married to sir Robert Sheffield, and was mother of Edmund first lord Sheffield of Butterwick: see Topographer and Genealogist, 1846, i. 264.
page note 57 c Beneneld, near Oundle in Northamptonshire, also derived from the family of Grey to Zouch, sold by sir John Zouch temp. Eliz. to sir William Hatton. (Bridges's Northamptonshire, ii. 397.) Mr. Sandford was probably the tenant.
page note 58 a i.e. a stove. Laconicum sc. balneum, a sudorific bath, a sweating-room. Cicero Attic. 4, 10, 2. Riddle's Latin-English Lexicon.
page note 58 b May not this great man have been sir William Cecill, afterwards lord Burghley ? whose timidity and temporizing in the reign of Mary form such a blemish in his illustrious career.
page note 58 c Over this abbreviated name Strype has in the manuscript written “Barnes”, but it is probable that the person intended was Augustine Bernhere, a Swiss who attached himself as a personal attendant on bishop Latimer, and was the editor of some of his works. “This Augustine (says Foxe) being a Dutchman, was Latimer's servant and a faithfull minister in the time of king Edward, and in queen Maries time a diligent attendant upon the Lord's prisoners.” Side-note to Bradford's last letter to Bernher, which concludes thus, “The keeper telleth me, that it is death for any to speak with me, but yet I trust that I shall speak with you.” See a note upon him in Bradford's Writings, (Parker Society,) vol. ii. p. 186: and see also the General Index to Strype's Works. Foxe, when describing a secret congregation of Protestants which was maintained in London throughout Mary's reign, says “they had divers ministers, first master Seamier, [afterwards bishop of Peterborough and Norwich,] then Thomas Foule, after him master Rough, then master Augustine Bernher, and last master Bentham,” afterwards bishop of Lichfield and Coventry. Bernhere eventually became rector of Southam in Gloucestershire. By several of the letters of John Careles he is shown to have married Elizabeth, the sister of that martyr. “Note, that both these (Bernhere and his wife) departed in quiet peace, the one 1565, the other 1568.” Side-note by Foxe.
page note 59 a Foxe was admitted of Brazenose college in 1532, elected fellow of Magdalen in 1543, and expelled his fellowship for heresy in 1545.
page note 59 b Probably the house of lord Mountjoy in London.
page note 59 c Perhaps in the mansion of the lord privy seal Cromwell.
page note 59 d See before, p. 16.
page note 59 c Luc. i. [2.]