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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 February 2010
page note 294 a This was a favourite object of devotion at the North door of St. Paul's church. It is mentioned as a place of great resort by archbishop Arundel in his examination of Thomas Thorpe in 1457. It was taken down in the year 1537.
page note 296 a Foxe says 1538, but Hall places the murder in 28 Hen. VIII. i. e. 1536 or 7.
page note 300 a I am favoured with this suggestion by the Right Hon. Lord Monson.
page note 300 b The Rev. Dr. Yerburgh, Vicar of Sleaford, a gentleman attached to genealogy, is supposed to have been the chief contributor to this work.
page note 301 a Styled Christopher White, of the Inner Temple, in the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 51.
page note 304 a As quoted in p. 48. The fact is also alluded to in her letter to John Lascelles, (written whilst under sentence of death,) in which she remarks:—
“I understand the council is not a little displeased that it should be reported abroad that I was racked in the Tower. They say now, that they did there was but to fear me; whereby I perceive they are ashamed of their own uncomely doings, and fear much lest the king's majesty should have information thereof: wherefore they would no man to noise it. Well! their cruelty God forgive them!” Foxe relates that sir Anthony Knyvett, the lieutenant of the Tower, actually went to inform the king, the councillors having threatened him for his repugnance to the torturing: “Which when the king had understood, he seemed not very well to like their extreme handling of the woman, and also granted to the lieutenant his pardon, willing him to return and see to his charge.” The MS. original of this passage is still preserved, in Foxe's own handwriting, in the MS. Harl. 419, f. 2, and, to place before the reader all the known evidence upon this matter, it is here appended:—
“Anne Askew.
“Syr Anth. Knevyt, lieuetenant of the Tower and of the privy chamber in kynge Henry's tyme, because at the commandement of Wrysley and syr John Baker he would not racke so extremely as they required, they put of their gownes, and racked her themselves, and fell out with mr. Knevet. He mystrustyng their thretes, went fyrst to the kyng, and shewed hym the whole matter, and obteined so much favour of hym, that [he] came a glad man home.”
[This note is followed by some on the loss of Calais, written in the same way and probably at the same time: consequently the preceding would not be written before the
reign of Elizabeth.]
page note 305 a Parsons, in fact, directly asserts that king Henry himself “caused her to be apprehended, and putt to the racke,” in order to ascertain how far she had conversed with the queen and “corrupted” his nieces of Suffolk. Parsons's version of the story is so remarkable, and has been so entirely ignored by recent writers, even of his own communion, including Dr. Lingard, that I have thought it desirable to extract it in the subsequent pages. It will be seen that he connects Anne Askew with queen Katharine Parr much more decidedly than Foxe had done ; and positively asserts that “the said Anne Askue was putt to the racke, for the discovery of the truthe.”
page note 305 b It is noticed as a new book in a letter of bishop Gardyner to the protector Somerset dated May 21, 1547, printed by Foxe, in the Actes and Monuments.
page note 305 c Anthony's journal is again quoted by Burnet as giving some important particulars towards the history of Anna Boleyne. It is to be regretted that Burnet did not print it among his Records, or at least state where it was preserved. In the MSS. at the Ashmolean museum, Nos. 861 and 863, are “Divers things excerpted out of a book of collections made by mr. Anthony Anthony, surveyour of the ordinance to Hen. 8, Edw. 6, and queen Mary,” which may possibly, when examined, afford the desired particulars.
page note 306 a Who some of these friends were, or were suspected to be, will be shown in a subsequent note (p. 311).
page note 306 b The proclamation for the discovery of heretical books, which is dated on the 8th July 1546, and therefore only five days before the racking of Anne Askew, was evidently aimed to involve the same parties whom she was urged to betray. It required that “from henceforth no man, woman, or other person, of what estate, condition, or degree he or they may he, shall, after the last day of August next ensuing, receive, have, take, or keep in his or their possession the text of the New Testament of Tyndale's or Coverdale's,” 's Annals of the English Bible, ii. 202.
page note 310 a Though the letter of Lacells is well known, and of easy reference, it would be unjust to him to print Parsons's misrepresentation without at least one extract: “Furthermore, I doe stedfastly beleeve that where the bread is broken according to the ordinance of Christ, the blessed and immaculate Lambe is present to the eyes of our fayth, and so we eate his flesh and drinke hys bloude, which is to dwell with God, and God with us.” This seems to comprehend the full meaning of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, as established in the Articles of the Church of England.
page note 312 a The error previously appears in the General Index to Strype's Works.
page note 313 a It is true that this gentleman and his wife are in the list which Strype has given (Eccles. Memorials, iii. 142) of those who were charitable towards the religious sufferers in the reign of Mary; a list formed from the Letters of the Martyrs.
page note 313 b Such a form of relationship was something beyond the apprehension of Mr. George Ballard, who, in his “Learned Ladies,” 8vo. 1752, imagined that Anne Cooke was thus addressing her own “mother” by her maiden name,—a very untenable supposition, as in her maidenhood Anne Fitz William could have had no claim to the title of “lady.” The terms of relationship, it will be remembered, were in those days much more widely applied than now; and, besides their natural mother, persons might have several others in the degrees of stepmother, mother-in-law, and grandmother, or wife's grandmother, “on the xxix daye of Decembre last past” (see p. 316). Before that date, in the year 1552, Bale had already left Hampshire to take possession of the bishopric of Ossory; and, as Dudley was not advanced to the dukedom of Northumberland before October, 1551, it is clear the offence given by the “franticko papyst” was during the Christmas of that year, and the publication no doubt very shortly after.
page note 316 a In the margin is the word Braban. Whether this was the name of “the desperate papist” is not apparent.
page note 316 b The term “Styngers,” added in the margin, is one I am unable to explain.
page note 317 a I have not discovered any allusion that might identify the parties, but they were doubtless in the vicinity of Bale's own residence, which was at the rectory of Bishop's Stoke, five miles from Southampton.
page note 317 b The place is not mentioned.
page note 318 a It seems not improbable that this was the very “sir Brysse,” mentioned by Thomas Hancock (p. 81).
page note 318 b The favourite fool of the King's court.
page note 319 c This passage is remarkable, as showing that Bale's comedies (as he chose to term them) were really enacted, as well in Hampshire, as he states in his “Vocacyon” they were at Kilkenny.
page note 322 a Mr. Pegge (p. 5) makes a note that this word is “uniformly miswritten throughout these ordinances ; for it should evidently be coustill, an abbreviate of the French word coustillier.” He quotes lord Herbert and Lloyd (the author of the Worthies) in favour of this view; and says that Père Daniel derived the term from coúilille, a cutlass, in Latin cultellus. I am rather inclined to derive the term from costé, and to understand it for one who kept close by the side of his master, in which sense it would answer to the English henchman or haunchman. The term in use in English was certainly costerell. (See Machyn's Diary, p. 13.) The name of Cotterell is probably derived from this source.
page note 322 b So, Underhill says (p. 161), “we came up into the chambre of presence with our poll-axes in our hands.” It was only when the gentleman pensioner was on special duty that he carried his pole-axe in person. At other times it was “borne after him with a sufficient man, the axe being cleane and bright,” as required in the ordinances.
page note 323 a In the King's scheme for remodelling the order of the Garter, made shortly after, (and printed in his Literary Remains, 4to. 1859,) the very name of Saint George was to be suppressed, and the order called merely “The Order of the Garter, or Defence of the Truth as contained in holy scripture.” The annual feast was to be removed from St. George's day, and kept early in December. In 1630 the fair fame of our national saint was vindicated by Dr. Peter Heylyn in his “History of the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ Jesus, St. George of Cappadocia,” a book respecting which gome curious particulars will be found in Dr. Heylyn's Life, prefixed to the edition of his History of the Reformation, by J. C. Robertson, M.A. 1849, pp. lxx.—lxxiv. Heylyn remarks that “the memory of this saint shines in our calendar prefixed befone the public liturgy of the church of England, where he is specially honoured with the name of Saint, as is no other not being an apostle or evangelist but Saint Martin only.” (History of St. George, edit. 2, p. 208.) But at the last review of the Prayer-book that designation was prefixed to some other names. In the Archseologia, vol. v, the history of Saint George was investigated at some length by the Rev. Samuel Pegge, LL.D., F.S.A.
page note 329 a Sir John Godsalve was of a Norfolk family. He was clerk of the signet in the reign of Henry VIII. ; was knighted at Edward's coronation, Feb. 22, 1547–8, and soon after appointed a commissioner of visitation (see the Return, 1 Edw. VI. printed in Appendix to Dugdale's St. Paul's, (edit. Ellis,) No. 4). He held the office of comptroller of the mint; and died Nov. 20, 1557. There is a portrait of him by Holbein engraved in Chamberlain's series ; where also will be found further notices of sir John and his family, by Mr. Lodge. Another portrait and memoir will be found in Harding's Biographical Mirrour, p. 37. See also a note to the Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, p. 234.
page note 332 a Psalm 1. v. 18. It is printed above as written in the MS.
page note 332 b The same mode of divination is described in the Athenian Oracle about 1704; see Brand's Popular Antiquities, (edit. Ellis,) ii. 641.
page note 332 c i.e. a kerchief, a placket or under-petticoat, and a rail or over-petticoat.
page note 332 d Perhaps Pepplesham, between Hastings and Bexhill.
page note 333 a Divination by a magic crystal was practised by William Byg alias Leche about the year 1465. See the Archæological Journal, vol. xiii. p. 372, and in the same place a note on the famous crystal of dr. Dee. See also a paper on crystals of augury, by H. Syer Cuming, in the Journal of the Archaeological Association, vol. v. p. 51 ; and Brand's Popular Antiquities, (edit. Ellis, 1813) ii. 413.
page note 334 a Near the bishop of London's toll-house at Highgate, in the parish of Hornsey, was a hermitage, with a chapel,—the nucleus around which the present town of Highgate was formed. See Newcourt's Repertorium Eccles. Londinense, i. 654.
page note 334 b A mode of divination described by Theocritus : see several passages collected about it in Brand's Popular Antiquities, (edit. Ellis,) ii. 639. The points of the shears were fixed in the wood of the sieve, which was balanced upright by two persons, on a finger of each ; on the real thief being named, the sieve suddenly turned round.
The oracle of sieve and shears,
That turns as certain as the spheres.
Hudibras, Part II. Canto iii. 1. 569.
page note 334 c Dens deorum, is the 50th Psalm, of which the 18th verse, alluding to “a thief,” has been already cited in p. 332. I do not recognise Dens humani generis.
page note 338 a Printed hy Strype liable.
page note 339 a Stephen Nevynson, LL.D. commissary-general of the diocese of Canterbury 1561, and a canon of Canterbury about 1570. See a memoir of him in Athenæ Cantab, i. 426.
page note 339 b So the MS. Probably the archbishop intended to write, “In gratitude to me the said Nevynson were not to seek,” i. e. doctor Nevynson was in gratitude bound to accede to his wishes without much solicitation.
page note 339 c Mr. Manwood was apparently the person whom Parker calls the owner of the manuscripts, and who was prepared to transfer them to him upon recovering possession. Strype (Life of Parker, p. 136) conjectures that the rightful owner could only be archbishop Cranmer's son Thomas, as his father's heir ; but other arrangements might have transferred the books to mr. Manwood. This was no doubt Roger Manwood, serjeant-at-law 1567, justice of the queen's bench 1572, and chief baron of the exchequer 1578, the founder of Sandwich Grammar-school: see Boys's History of Sandwich, 1792, 4to, pp. 200, 248, and Fosa's Lives of the Judges.
page note 339 d So the MS.
page note 340 a On the fly-leaf of 7 B. XI. is written : “This is the first volume of Bp. Cranmer's Cammon-place book.—JOHN THEYER. 4 September, 1659.”
page note 344 * In the Visitation of Huntingdonshire, p. 16, these names will be found, drawn into a tabular pedigree, but Margaret is made the daughter of Nicholas, who really died s. p.
page note 345 * Hence the coat of Lovetoft in Sawtrey church (p. 2). See also the Testa de Neville, pp. 354, 355 b.
page note 349 a This is one of several proofs that “The Book of Martyrs” acquired its familiar title at an early period of its existence, of which others are noticed in the preface.
page note 349 b Perhaps “A Breviate Chronicle,” printed by John Mychell, 1552.
page note 349 c In the year 1538.
page note 349 d “No man can come unto me except it be geven hym of my Father. John vj.” Side note.
page note 349 e So the MS. gn. Latin ? In a primer printed at Rouen in 1555, entitled “Hereafter foloweth the Prymer in Englysshe and in Latin sette out along; after the vse of Sarū.9 In edibus Roberti Valentini. M.D.lv.” the place of which Maldon speaks will be found under the head of Matyns of the Crosse, Patris sapientia, veritas divina, Deus homo, captus est hora matutina, “A boke made by John Frith, prisoner in the Tower of London, answeringe unto M. More's letter which he wrote ayenst the first litle treatyse that John Frith made concerninge the Sacrament and the body and bloode of Christe,” “Wepyng tares I wrete this, to thynk the lake of knowledge in my father and mother ; they had thought they had done God good servise at that tyme. I troste he hath forgeven them.”—Side note.
page note 351 b “I thynke vj. dayes after my neke greved me with the pullyng of the haulter.”—Side note.